Profiles

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Piedad Cordoba, a political biography

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Liberal Party member Piedad Cordoba is Colombia’s most controversial politician. From receiving Nobel Peace Prize nominations to being suspended as congresswoman for “promoting and collaborating” with terrorists, Cordoba is an iconic figure for Colombians, regardless of their political views.

Despite being suspended from holding any post in the public sector, hardly a day goes by without Piedad Cordoba making headlines. She has made a political career advancing a progressive agenda, representing political views such as the struggle for the rights of ethnic minorities, political minorities, the resolution of Colombia’s armed conflict though dialogue, and gender equality.

48 year old Cordoba was born in Medellin. Her uncle was influential Partido Liberal representative Diego Luis Cardona, known for his contribution to the creation of Chocó Department, as a political and administrative entity. Cordoba is a lawyer from Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana in Medellin, with a specialization in Public Opinion and Marketing from Universidad Javeriana in Bogota.

Her first steps in the Public Sector were taken at the Medellin city government in 1984. There, she developed close political ties to brilliant Antioquia politician William Jaramillo (who amongst many other things invented the CAI police stations). By 1988, Cordoba felt confident enough to enter the electoral race in Medellin, and thus, obtained her first electoral success becoming Edil. Her successful performance allowed her to be elected into more influential offices, first being Medellin councilwoman in 1989, and then securing office at the Antioquia Departmental Assembly.

Further success and acceptance by Colombian citizens, motivated Piedad Cordoba to run for representative in the 1991 congressional election, she made it to Congress, obtaining 22.000 votes. In the Chamber of Representatives, Cordoba sought to advance her political convictions, proposing progressive legislation such as the negritudes (Colombians with African ancestry) law and the beverage industry tax law. Her first political clashes would also occur during this period, the Colombian liberal party divided in two factions, one representing political liberal ideas (which Cordoba is a part of), and another faction representing economic liberalism. Both claim to be the “true liberals”.

During her time as representative, Cordoba gained recognition for defending the rights of Colombia’s excluded minorities, as well as the rights of the poor. Due to this recognition, Colombians elected her for four consecutive terms (1998-2010) to the Senate. There, she was the author of multiple laws which sought to improve the lives of Colombia’s most vulnerable, such as, a tax to finance the “neighborhood moms” program, the creation of a national gender equality institution, a law which increased the finances for public education and healthcare, and the protection of family houses as an inalienable right.

However, Cordoba’s political stances also make her a threat for Colombia’s status quo, and thus, extreme right-wing politicians and criminals soon began to persecute her. In 1999 she was kidnapped by Carlos Castaño, the now deceased paramilitary Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) leader. Her captivity lasted over a month; afterwards she was released and posteriorly fled to Canada. So far only José Miguel Narváez, former director of DAS has been accused for the kidnapping, however there has been no verdict regarding his involvement.

Piedad Cordoba’s time away from Colombian politics lasted several months. Upon her arrival to Colombia another two unsuccessful attempts on life were carried out. In 2006 one of her closest advisors, Jaime Gomez, died in strange circumstance. Cordoba’s declared and unalterable support for a negotiated solution to Colombia’s armed conflict had made her an enemy of paramilitary groups, and of former president Alvaro Uribe.

In 2007 Cordoba claimed that Uribe was a paramilitary. Since then, Cordoba’s combative attitude towards the Uribe administration, and the Colombian State, has made her a castaway in the eyes of the government, mass media, and many Colombians.

Furthermore, Cordoba’s conviction of negotiated peace has made her attitude towards the FARC, much more lenient than that of most Colombians. She does not hide the fact that she has met with them to talk about releasing hostages, and does not treat them with verbal belligerence. This has helped to gain the FARC’s trust, and has facilitated negotiations.

Additionally, Piedad Cordoba outspokenly supported and befriended former Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez. She met with him many times, and showed constant support for his Bolivarian Revolution. This also generated resentment amongst influential conservative sectors of the Colombian establishment, and many citizens.

The shared trust with the FARC and her closeness to Hugo Chavez was enough for Cordoba to be appointed by Alvaro Uribe to integrate a humanitarian exchange commission (alongside Chavez and the Red Cross) in order to exchange prisoners between the Colombian State and FARC in 2007. However, the bilateral context of excessive presidentialism, and mutual lack of trust would spur a diplomatic crisis between Colombia and Venezuela, and the initiative was thwarted. Despite the bilateral crisis, Cordoba’s work helped the liberation of 6 hostages between December 2007 and January 2008. By 2013, that figure has risen to 14, something which arguably makes Piedad Cordoba the most authoritative voice on the hostage liberations.

As a result of this humanitarian activity, Cordoba’s image catapulted. In 2012 she was named by Foreign Policy as the most influential ibero-american intellectual. She was also nominated for the Prince of Asturias Awards in 2008, and the Noble Peace Prize in 2009.

Despite international recognition, things have been much more difficult at home. Alvaro Uribe – and other right-wing politicians’ – fierce opposition to Cordoba’s ideas and actions has led to many attempts to challenge Cordoba’s reputation. First, by connecting Cordoba to FARC through the computer found in top FARC guerrilla Raul Reyes’ camp after it was bombed in 2008.

These clashes have led Cordoba to look for alternative channels to promote her policy ideals and political stances. In 2008, she became a part of the NGO Colombianas y Colombianos por la Paz. While working for this NGO, she has promoted a negotiated peace to end Colombia’s armed conflict, and she has helped to liberate hostages.

In 2010 Cordoba was suspended from Senatorial office and form any public function for 18 years, by Inspector General Alejando Ordóñez. Ordóñez claimed Cordoba “promotes and collaborates” with FARC based on Raul Reyes’ computer files. Many argue there is no real legal evidence to back up Ordóñez’s claims, while others argue strongly that Cordoba is a form of spokesman for the guerrilla group. As in much of Colombian politics, getting to the truth can be a challenge.

Despite Piedad Cordoba alienation from the Senate, she has managed to remain an influential political figure.

Further controversy has ensued, Piedad Cordoba was legally declared as a victim of illegal wiretapping by the Colombian Secret police, carried out during the Uribe administration – the famous “chuzadas” scandal.

Meanwhile the Ordóñez has opened another case against Cordoba for ties with FARC, however as yet, there has been no final pronouncement regarding the issue.

In 2012, she went to the courts in order to try to remove Liberal Party Leader Simon Gaviria, reviving the internal clash between political liberals (Ernesto Samper, Horacio Serpa, Piedad Cordoba) and economic Liberals (Cesar Gaviria, Simon Gaviria).

Cordoba’s latest political actions have been carried out as a member of the Marcha Patriotica movement. This movement is committed to the Colombian peace process and was an active promoter and participant of the march for peace in April of 2013. This political movement has declared its intention of becoming a political party, perhaps for the elections of 2014. Just as with Cordoba herself, the Marcha Patriotica has attracted controversy with the defense minister claiming the movement is funded by the FARC.

Cordoba´s true intentions with the Marcha Patriotica are difficult to predict, and will partly depend on the outcome of the peace process in Havana. What is certain is that like her or not, Piedad Cordoba is here to stay, and here to present her alternative vision for Colombia. Will she run for president in the future? Quite possibly.

Photo, El Espectador

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Sergio Fajardo, a political biography

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Medellin born Sergio Fajardo is one of Colombia’s most recognized and acclaimed independently minded politicians.  His rising political career, which includes holding mayoral office in Medellin, a vice presidential candidacy for national government, and a current tenure as Governor of Antioquia, make Fajardo an optioned presidential hopeful in the short and medium term. His successful governance outcomes have motivated the Colombian Green Party’s attempt to position Fajardo as their presidential candidate for the 2014 presidential election.

Fajardo’s career began far away from politics. Before going into public affairs, Fajardo was an academic; he obtained a Ph.D in Mathematics from University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1984, and a BSc from Universidad de los Andes in 1977. After concluding his studies, Fajardo proved to be an able teacher, researcher and scientist. This led him to occupy posts such as The National Council of Basic Sciences and the National Comission of Masters and Doctorates.

His transition from academia to politics was not sudden or unexepected. Sporadically, Fajardo began to make a name for himself in public life, fist publishing occasional opinion articles, then participating in different social fora. In 1995, Fajardo was asked to be a member of the Comisión Facilitadora de Paz de Antioquia, alongside Nobel Peace Prize laureate Oscar Arias, as well as other recognized figures.

After gaining political visibility, Fajardo went on to create the, today extinct, Compromiso Ciudadano movement, alongside influential artists, thinkers, and businessmen including current Medellin mayor Alonso Salazar. Under the banner of independent and clean politics, Fajardo managed to secure an unexpected third place in the Medellin mayoral race of 2000. This largely unpredicted result, gave Fajardo enough confidence and political capital to become a serious contender in Colombian politics. True to his independent, anti-ideological style, Fajardo rejected the invitation to become a part of the Frente Social Amplio left-oriented movement.

In 2003 Fajardo, once again, attempted to become Mayor of Medellin, representing the Alianza Social Indigena movement. He secured an overwhelming victory with 210.000 votes, thus becoming Medellin mayor from 2004 until 2007. His time in office is well remembered for his successful performance.

While in office, Fajardo managed to transform the city of Medellin, as well as, public administration in Medellin. Responsible public spending, record numbers in social investment, a pronounced decrease in crime, and social inclusion policies made Fajardo the recipient of many national and international prizes of good governance, and successful public administration.  Furthermore, Fajardo managed to renovate the reputation and performance of the public sector in the city of Medellin.

After his successful term as mayor, Fajardo decided in 2008 to try to run for the presidency of Colombia, with the aim of winning the 2010 election. In a time of intense political polarization and continuous government scandal, Fajardo opted to position his movement as entirely independent. Claiming to be neither left, nor right, not uribista, and not anti-uribista, Fajardo joined the short-lived “quintuplets” movement (alongside Antanas Mockus, Enrique Peñalosa, Marta Lucía Ramírez, and Luis Eduardo Garzón). He left after his demand to be their presidential candidate was denied.

Fajardo carried on in his presidential attempt however, visiting the different regions of Colombia and campaigning in the streets with a face-to-face approach towards the people. He also led a movement of candidates for the senate, which failed to secure any congressional seat. After this defeat, Fajardo accepted an invitation from the Green Party to be fellow scientist Antanas Mockus’ running mate for the 2010 presidential election.

Alas, Fajardo once again suffered defeat, as Mockus came second in the election of 2010. This did not stop Fajardo from seeking political office, thus, as a member of the Green Party, he became Governor of Antioquia in 2011, promising to replicate the successful policies he implemented in Medellin. As the Governor of Antioquia, amongst other things, Fajardo has published a public administration report titled “The White Book”.  This report has helped to increase transparency and show the high levels of corruption and negligent management of the previous administrations.

Category: Comment, Profiles
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German Vargas Lleras, a political biography

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An ever ready and ever optioned presidential candidate, electorate favorite German Vargas Lleras might very well represent Colombia’s political future.  The principle cause being, that German Vargas Lleras is a politician who embodies Colombia’s political past.  He embodies that certain archetype of Colombia politician, who’s born into a family with political power, changes parties according to political convenience, fiercely opposes former political allies when necessary, and is not overly concerned about sharing party ranks with members of Colombia’s illegal armed groups.

Vargas Lleras has promoted and led movements whose names evoke change, like Nuevo Liberalismo (New Liberalism) and Cambio Radical (Radical Change),and yet, he has always managed to become an active member of traditional officialism.

As the grandson of former president Carlos Lleras Restrepo, Vargas Lleras was born into political power. He holds a lawyer’s degree from traditional Universidad del Rosario as well as a master’s Degree in Government and Public Administration obtained at Universidad Complutense de Madrid.

Vargas Lleras’ career as a politician began at a very young age, not yet surpassing his late teens. Following his grandfather’s footsteps, Vargas Lleras joined the ranks of the Liberal Party. At first, he was part of the dissident branch named Nuevo Liberalismo headed by Luis Carlos Galan.  Galan appointed Vargas Lleras to coordinate his campaign, and also to coordinate political support in Los Martires sector of Bogota.

In 1988, Vargas Lleras was voted councilman for the Bojaya City Council.  A year later, while giving a speech during his presidential campaign, Luis Carlos Galan was assassinated. Galan’s death led to the dissolution of Nuevo Liberalismo, and thus, Vargas Lleras decided to return to his grandfather’s Liberal Party. Time would later show that Galan’s magnicide was planned by then Liberal Party Senator Alberto Santofimio, in coordination with another (by then former) Liberal Party Senator, Pablo Escobar.

As a member of the Liberal Party, Vargas Lleras was elected to the Bogota City Council, occupying the post of councilman from 1990 to 1994. During his time there, Vargas Lleras became its president, in 2011, he received a decoration from that institution recognizing his political career.

After his second term as councilman, Vargas Lleras successfully made the leap to the senate. He would be elected another three consecutive terms, holding senatorial office from 1994 until 2006. During his first years in the Colombian Senate, Vargas Lleras became known for his ardent opposition to Conservative President Andres Pastrana’s peace talks with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

The Liberal Party’s favorable stance regarding the peace talks resulted in a party change for Vargas Lleras. And thus, the Colombia Siempre movement was born. Vargas Lleras secured another term in the senate running for Colombia Siempre. At the same time, he supported another Liberal Party dissident’s campaign, that of former Colombian President Alvaro Uribe. The fierce opposition to Pastrana’s peace talks with FARC created the Vargas Lleras-Uribe political alliance for the 2002 congressional and presidential elections.

These eventful times also witnessed the first of two assassination attempts made on Vargas Lleras, presumably by the National Liberation Army (ELN).  In 2003, Vargas Lleras became President of the Senate as the Colombia Siempre movement became a part of Radical Change Party. Soon after, Vargas Lleras also became the President of Radical Change.

After securing these important posts, the now hugely influential Uribista figure suffered a second assassination attempt in 2005, this time presumably, orchestrated by Colombian secret police state forces. During this period of his stay in the senate, Vargas Lleras supported Alvaro Uribe’s presidential reelection, his call for constitutional reform and his presidential campaign, despite evidence of corruption and paramilitary infiltration in officialist U Party. In terms of public policy, Radical Change supported officialism, as a member of Alvaro Uribe’s governing coalition.

Scandal maculated Vargas Lleras in 2006 as a result of the so called “parapolitics” congressional disgrace.  Forty percent of the congressmen belonging to Vargas Lleras’ Radical Change party were suspended for alleged ties (many later proven true) with terrorist organizations. As the head of Radical Change, Vargas Lleras stood accountable for the party’s political actions.

Two years later, Vargas Lleras once again made big headlines by withdrawing support from former President Uribe’s attempt at a second constitutional reform, which would give legal base to his second reelection. Instead of supporting Uribe, Vargas Lleras left the Senate, and announced his candidacy for presidential office.

And thus, Vargas Lleras paradoxically ended up running against former political ally, and political heir to Uribe, Juan Manuel Santos (amongst other candidates) in the 2010 Colombian Presidential election. Vargas Lleras’ attempt at the presidency was quite ill-fated, securing just 10% of the votes. Yet his political career was not over yet, former election rival (now president) Juan Manuel Santos, appointed Vargas Lleras as his Interior and Justice Minister, and thus, Radical Change returned to officialism.

Shortly after, Vargas Lleras was named Housing Minister, were he has promised to deliver 100.000 houses for the poor. Regardless of the many scandals around him (perhaps even because of them), Vargas Lleras remains a political figure with ample support, holding a considerable chance of one day becoming Colombia’s Head of State.

Category: Profiles
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Gustavo Petro, a political biography

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Gustavo Petro is perhaps Colombia’s most vocal, visible and determinedly anti-establishment politician. From his youth onwards, Petro has made a political career of denouncing and preventing the Colombian establishment’s power abuses, constantly challenging the status-quo.

Petro, elected Bogotá mayor in 2011, was born in rural Ciénaga de Oro, Cordoba department, in 1960. His early childhood was humble and rural; both his parents were poor farmers.

Seeking a better future, Petro’s family decided to migrate to the more prosperous Colombian inland village of Zipaquirá – just north of Bogotá during the 1970’s. It was there, that Petro finished high school at Colegio Nacional de La Salle (the same school attended by Colombian Nobel laureate Gabriel García Márquez).

After graduation, and aged 17, Petro joined the political arm of the rebel armed group M-19. Petro, like his comrades, was reacting to the supposed fraudulent victory of Misael Pastrana over Gustavo Rojas Pinilla in the 1970 presidential election.

As a member of M-19, Petro quickly established a profile as a prominent and intellectual politico. Petro used the different political posts he went on to occupy in Zipaquirá to position himself as a daring and different leader, giving milk bottles to the poor, and leading the initiative to see refugees displaced by violence occupying wealthy landowners’ properties.

Petro has been historically attached to M-19’s well-known acts of violence (including much publicized kidnappings), and the infamous Palace of Justice Seige (Toma al Palacio de Justicia). This siege with its large number of casualties, disappearances, and resulting impunity for the perpetrators has become one of Colombia’s most emblematic tragedies.

After the siege, Petro used his influence within M-19 to promote peace talks with the government, helping to bring about the eventual dismantling of M-19 in 1990, and the subsequent amnesty for its members.

After full re-incorporation into civilian life, Petro was elected representative for Cundinamarca in 1991. He was then a member of the Alianza Democrática M-19 party.

Three years later, Petro was appointed as to a diplomatic role in Belgium, under the Samper administration.  The continuous death threats he received were an influential factor in his accepting the diplomatic post.

Back in Colombia, and after an ill-fated attempt in the 1996 Bogotá mayoral election, Petro was once again elected representative in 1998. This time for the Bogotá constituency.  It was during this second term in Congress, that Petro began to establish a reputation for being a thorn in the side of the Colombian political establishment.

His first cause was whistle-blowing dodgy funding of politicians’ election campaigns (a theme he would return to in later years). He was also recognized for exposing corruption scandals involving private banks, as well as the infamous case of the public hospital, San Juan de Dios.

In 2002, Petro was re-elected as a representative, with the highest number of votes received by any candidate in that election. Furthermore, it was during that term in office that Petro’s popularity catapulted, mainly for exposing notorious corruption scandals concerning ex-president Alvaro Uribe’s political allies.

Petro’s political opposition to Uribe’s 2002-2006 term in office was fierce. Perhaps his most celebrated act was uncovering the Parapolítica scandal that shocked the nation, and the international community alike (Parapolitics referred to the covert alliance between terrorist paramilitary organizations and politicians and public servants). Petro also campaigned hard against Uribe’s constitutional reform in favor of presidential re-election.

During 2005, Petro joined forces with a large number of opposition politicians to form the, then new, Polo Democrático Alternativo (PDA) party. By 2006, the party, along with Petro, had won popular support and recognition. Petro easily secured the jump from representative to senator in the 2006 congressional elections.

Once again, Petro stood out for his unrelenting opposition to Alvaro Uribe’s policies. As Petro grew his reputation at the national level, as well as inside his own party, his first presidential candidacy (2010) began to take shape.

His campaigning intentions crystalized when he beat traditional left strongman Carlos Gaviria for the PDA presidential nomination – Gaviria had been a previous presidential candidate for the left and Petro’s emergence was a surprise for some.

Petro’s 2010 campaign ended after he finished third behind current president Juan Manuel Santos and wildcard Green Party candidate Antanas Mockus.

After his failed presidential endeavor, Petro focused on Bogotá. He began by denouncing the public contracting of fellow PDA party members Samuel Moreno (then Bogotá mayor) and his brother Senator Ivan Moreno. Scandal ensued, and thanks to Petro, citizens realized the true magnitude of corruption.

Inside the PDA, the situation became untenable, and Petro decided to opt out and form his own party, Progresistas. Running, for Progresistas Petro won the 2011 Bogotá mayoral election defeating Enrique Peńalosa and Gina Parody.

As the current mayor of Bogotá, it seems that now it is Petro’s turn to face aggressive opposition. He has been accused of improvisation in policy (particularly public sanitation), and a lack of management skills, and experience. Petro’s political life has been in opposition, and his critics suggest he has been unable to adapt to the rigors of administration.

Petro has responded to this criticism with the claim he is persecuted by mafias – the term he uses to describe establishment interests. Petro argues these mafia are seeking to sabotage his term as Bogotá mayor in order to minimize his chances for a future presidency.

Petro’s character has earned him a reputation for being stubborn and arrogant; however it is also precisely this character that has led him to face down the most powerful groups in Colombian politics, despite constant death threats. Petro’s determined attachment to legality (after being granted amnesty) is also well known, not only from his constant attacks on corruption, but also from his many rejections of bribery proposals.

A year into his mayoralty, Petro continues to polarize opinion. The vast majority of the Bogotá electorate are against his administration, but he has a fiercely loyal core support.

Category: Profiles
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Jorge Enrique Robledo profile

Jorge Enrique Robledo, photo Semana

 

Jorge Enrique Robledo Castillo is one of the most visible politicians in the land. A hard left, trade-unionist and anti-free trade agreement polemicist, Robledo is a hero for many who oppose the “neo-liberalism” of recent Colombian governments.

In 2010 he was re-elected to the senate with the third highest number of votes of all candidates, and is, electorally, the number one member of the main opposition party, the Polo Democratic Alternative.

Last year, Robledo became the darling of the student movement, leading the opposition to the Santos Government´s proposed higher education reforms.

Vocal, charismatic and instantly recognizable, Robledo is not afraid to act as a lone voice in a political system he himself labels a tyrannically “unanimous” in its subservience to the president.

A frequent contributor to the top political debate programme, Hora 20, on Caracol Radio, Robledo has star quality, and the integrity of his arguments make him popular even among those who do not share his views.

Robledo was born in Ibagué in 1950, graduated from the top private Universidad de los Andes, and went on to teach at the public Universidad Nacional. While at university, Robledo joined the left-wing MOIR movement, and formed close ties with trade unionists. Perhaps as a result of his debating style, many assume he is a lawyer, but this Caldense is in fact an architect.

Robledo move from Ibagué to Manizales (Caldas), where he worked for organizations representing small coffee farm owners and workers.  These campaigns allowed him to build a base of support.

From this platform, Robledo launched his campaign to become Governor in 1997, a race he lost against the powerful coalition of Liberal and Conservatives. Robledo did not stand a chance, but came a respectable second, securing over 50 000 votes, a third of those obtained by the eventual winner.

In 2002, Robledo stood in the elections to the Senate, for which, with the backing of MOIR, he managed to win 45,000 votes, taking him for the first time to the Capitolio.

Robledo soon rose to prominence with his forthright views and his terrier-like debating style. Using this profile, Robledo became the voice of the unions, of agricultural organizations and other leftist movements, and cast himself as the opposition the free trade agreements proposed first be Uribe and later by Santos.

In 2006, Robledo joined the Polo Democratic Alternative (PDA), bringing together a collection of hitherto disparate leftist blocks. In the Senate race that year he won 80,000 votes, coming second only to Gustavo Petro in the terms of popularity within the PDA.

Throughout the 2006-10 parliament, Robledo, like Petro, became associated (perhaps too much so, and to the detriment of his other positions) with his fierce criticism of Uribe.

In 2009, the inspector general, Alejandro Ordóñez opened a case against the Senator for alleged ties with the FARC.  Robledo had been mentioned in files on the infamous computer of Raul Reyes (the FARC´s top military commander) which was analyzed following his death in Ecuador, 2008. Robledo denies the links, arguing that the information on the computer was hearsay and did not in any way incriminate him.

Following Robledo´s re-election in 2010, with twice the number of votes in the 2006 elections, he has continued his fight against the government and what he considers to be the unchecked capitalism of its politics.

This Senator is one of Colombia´s top tweeters, giving Uribe a run for his money, and is known for his permanent campaigning style.

Robledo is firmly positioned one the left, very seldom (if ever) venturing towards the centre ground – meaning he stands little chance of being a serious presidential candidate, were he to want to put himself forward.

However, Robledo´s role in Colombian politics is crucial. His opposition, like that of Petro´s during Uribe´s second term, is important for the democratic scrutiny of a Santos administration that controls over 90% of Congress.

Robledo´s opposition is not restricted to those on the centre, or the right, however. He has also been a critic of his old comrade, Gustavo Petro, the current Mayor of Bogotá, whom he accuses of presiding over a crisis in transport in the city.

Whether you are for or against his politics, Robledo is never dull, and is certainly one to watch.

Category: Profiles
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President Juan Manuel Santos, a political biography

President Santos, photo, AP

 

Juan Manuel Santos was destined to become President of the Republic.

In August 1951, Juan Manuel was born into one of Colombia´s most powerful families; his father, Enrique the owner (at that time) of the most important newspaper El Tiempo, and his uncle Eduardo, a former president.

From an early age, Santos moved in political circles, allowing him to master his famous ability to strategize and outsmart the acutest of opponents.

As extra-ordinary as it sounds, Santos´ first test at the ballot box was that of the presidential elections in 2010.

Until then he had not actively had to win a public vote, instead beating his opponents behind the scenes, in the corridors of power; these were victories among colleagues and eventual bosses, not on the election battleground.

Santos´ is a chess player who keeps his cards close to his chest.

Aged 16, Santos embarked on two years of military service as a Navy cadet, helping to forge his famous and steely discipline. On completing his time in the armed forced, Santos, like most youngsters from the Bogotá elite, left Colombia for the United States, where he entered the University of Kansas to read economics and business administration.

The next stop was England and the London School of Economics for a master´s, before landing a job with the National Federation of Coffee Growers where he worked for nine years and began his diplomatic career.

Santos eventually returned to Colombia to take up a role in the family newspaper, El Tiempo, a position he held until 1991 when President Cesar Gaviria gave him his first job in government, as minister for the newly created department of Foreign Trade.

Gaviria´s government set about the liberalization – and the internationalization – of the Colombian economy; with Santos´ ministry at the forefront of this agenda.  Santos is responsible for signing Colombia´s first free trade agreements – with Mexico and Venezuela – a trade philosophy he has placed at the heart of his own government´s foreign policy.

Santos´ career then went stratospheric when anointed the ´Designado de la República´, a position (now defunct) without portfolio (similar to the vice-presidency), but with power and political influence, allowing him to establish, among colleagues, a profile as a potential future president.

Santos left the government 1994, when Ernesto Samper came to power and formed the Good Government Foundation think tank, a platform from which he would plot his entrance to the Casa de Nariño.

The think tank was aligned to the thinking of the ´Third Way´ the philosophy on which Britain’s Tony Blair came to power in 1997, and many of the key members of this group entered the cabinet when Santos became president in 2010.

Santos then experienced first-hand the ill-fated Pastrana / FARC peace talks in Caguán, when sent by the international community to oversee the implementation of the Demilitarized Zone the talks had created.

Santos lost faith in the mission and became a harsh critic of the Pastrana government until he was appointed Minister of Finance in 2000.

When his future boss, Álvaro Uribe came to power Santos was still a member of the Liberals. But by 2005, he had formed the U Party to support the reelection of Uribe.

Then came Santos´ finest chess move. Having built a coalition of support for Uribe and having delivered the president a congress at his whim, Santos was in a position to demand of his boss any role in government. He opted for the Ministry of Defence, which he took up in July 2006. This was the most important job in an administration that placed Democratic Security at the heart of it mission.

Santos became Uribe´s right hand man.

As Defence Minister, Santos delivered major blows against the FARC, dismantled numerous rebel fronts, took out one the group´s top leaders, Raul Reyes, and successfully executed Operation Jaque, which led to the rescue of Ingrid Betancourt and three American hostages without a bullet being fired.

Santos´ public profile was assured, and his fight for the presidency gathered pace.

The ´false positives´ scandal – in which civilians were killed at the hands of the military and presented as guerrillas fallen in combat threatened to derail his plans, but no responsibility for these acts was laid at the door of the ministry.

Santos is credited in fact with uncovering and ending the practice.

At 2010 approached, Uribe sought a further re-election but was prevented from doing so by the courts, clearing the way for a successor to be anointed.

Santos eventually emerged as Uribe´s chosen candidate and ran for the presidency on the U Party platform.

In the second-round runoff, Santos beat Green Party candidate, Antanas Mockus, securing ten million votes, the highest vote in the country’s history.

In his acceptance speech, Santos dedicated his victory to Uribe, having promised throughout the campaign to continue the president´s legacy.

As soon as Santos entered power, he changed the mantra from Democratic Security to Democratic Prosperity, continuing the military attacks on the guerrillas, but also placing economic growth at the heart of his government.

A national unity government was formed, and over 90% of the Congress was placed at the new president´s disposition.  Santos was, in parliamentary terms, even more powerful than Uribe had been.

The first two years of Santos´ rule were characterized by legislative hyperactivity, with major reforms pushed through Congress.

Santos has presided over continued economic growth, reduced poverty and unemployment and dramatically changed diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries.

All the while, the war against the FARC has not relented.  Within months of taking office, the FARC´s military chief ´Mono Jojoy´ was killed and last year the overall leader of the guerrilla group, ´Alfonso Cano´ was also taken down.

During his time in office Santos has enjoyed record levels of support from Colombians, for certain periods, even eclipsing Uribe in the public´s approval. Towards the end of his first two years the polls turned and the president began to see support hemorrhaging amid a series of parliamentary crises and an upsurge in FARC activity.

In August Santos announced that secret talks with the FARC had led to agreement on an agenda for official peace negotiations. The talks seek to put an end to nearly fifty years of civil conflict.

The polls have returned in Santos´favour and should he sign an agreement with the FARC for a permanent cessation of violence, the president will have virtually guaranteed his re-election in 2014 (should he chose to stand).

For those who know Santos, however, it is a place in history as the president who secured peace that is, for the president, the real prize.

Santos has always had power, he was born into it. An historic legacy, however, is something he will have had to earn.

Category: Profiles
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Álvaro Uribe Vélez, a political biography

Álvaro Uribe Vélez, Ex-President of Colombia, El Espectador

This is the first political biog on Colombia Politics. We thought we´d start with the controversial figure of Alvaro Uribe. Over the coming weeks more biogs will be added under a new, Who´s Who section of the website.

Alvaro Uribe

Uribe was Colombian President for two periods, 2002-2006 and 2006-2010.

Born in Medellin in 1954, Uribe is the son of farmer and landowner Alberto Uribe Sierra, and Laura Uribe Velez, a local councillor in Salgar, Antioquia.

While at the University of Antioquia reading law and political science, Uribe joined the Young Liberals.

Uribe entered public life, through his connections to the Liberal Party, taking up a number of state jobs during the 70 and early 80s. Most famously he was Director of Civil Aviation between 1980 and 1982.

By 1982 Uribe had entered politics proper and became mayor of Medellín (in the 80s mayors were not elected but appointed by the President of the Republic who at the time was Belisario Betancur).

Uribe´s time as mayor was short lived, and in 1983 the ex-president suffered what was to shape his political career; the death of his father, at the hands of the FARC.

Later that decade, Uribe made his way to the senate, as a Liberal, until he left in 1994 to become Governor of Antioquia.

As governor, Uribe controversially took the lead on promoting ´Convivir´, a process that began with private security firms working with the armed forces, and led to (some within this) joining the illegal self-defence groups.

During these years, Uribe cultivated a hard-line image, an approach that later became the ´mano dura´ platform of his presidency.

After leaving office in 98, Uribe disappeared from the politics (and for a while, the country) returning in 2000 to join Liberal, Horacio Serpa´s campaign for the 2002 presidency.

But the Liberal Party lost Uribe with its decision to support President Pastrana´s (Conservative) infamous peace negotiations with the FARC in Caguán.

At this point Uribe broke away and became an independent, deciding to run for the presidency, without the backing of a traditional political force.

According to folk law, Uribe´s election winning manifesto of all-out war against the FARC came about following a nation-wide ´listening tour´, in which he went from town to town to try to understand the concerns both of rural and urban populations. After hearing repeatedly that the threat of the guerilla was the number one issue, Uribe´s mind was fixed and a political narrative born.

How true it is that these talks shaped Uribe´s politics is difficult to prove, but it is a good story, and this direct connection Uribe established with populations – often forgotten by the urban elite – was something that the president cultivated throughout his time in office. And was this folksy-charm that kept him popular throughout his 8 years in the Casa de Nariño.

In 2002 Uribe became President of Colombia in the first round, with over 50% of the vote, leaving eight years later with an approval rating in the 70s.

In power Uribe used the money secured as part of Plan Colombia (signed between Pastrana and Bill Clinton) to establish the ‘democratic security’ doctrine which strengthening the military, and took the fight to the FARC.

By the time Uribe had left office the image of Colombia abroad had been transformed, foreign direct investment began to flood in, and GDP had close on doubled. Uribe is credited with helping to rescue the country from its descent towards a failed state.

By 2005, Uribe´s popularity lead the president to push for a reform of the constitution which had hitherto restricted heads of state to one term only.  Uribe secured the changes, and gathered a coalition of support, to run for re-election. With the backing of Juan Manuel Santos´ newly created U Party, the Conservatives, and Cambio Radical (among other groups), Uribe was returned to office with over 60% of the vote (and a large majority in Congress).

Uribe´s second term was seen in some ways as being less successful than his first, in part because government official and coalition members became embroiled in scandals – the most dramatic of which was the ´parapolitics´ revelation which led to the conviction of congressman for their ties with paramilitary groups.

Other scandals included ´Yidispolítica´, the DAS´ (intelligence agency) systemic wiretapping of judges and opposition politicians, and the extrajudicial killings of civilians (who were made to appear as though they were guerrilla combatants) known as ´false positives´. There is not space here to details these scandals, but it is worth noting that they continue to affect the image of the last government, as well as Uribe himself.

As the end of Uribe´s second mandate approached, parliamentarians ran a campaign to call a referendum, that if passed, would permit the president to run for a third time, in 2010. The courts prevented the legislation from passing into law, and Uribe was forced eventually to lend support to Juan Manuel Santos (his Defence Minister) in the presidential elections of that year.

Uribe left office as perhaps the most popular president in Colombian history. For all the controversy that he attracted, he could point to major improvements in the security situation, and the major debilitation of the FARC. While his critics accuse him of corruption, or at least of supporting corrupt officials.

Since leaving office, Uribe has transformed into the most vocal opposition politician in the land, attacking President Santos (whose candidature he supported) for not (as Uribe sees it) continuing with the policies of the ex-president.

Earlier this year, Uribe launched a new political party, Puro Centro Democratico, a base from which he hopes Uribism can return to the presidential palace. Uribe himself is constitutionally prohibited from running again, but the search is on for a candidate to lead his movement.

Uribe retains a fiercely loyal following. As a result of his polemical character, he also attracts equally fierce opposition.

The ex-president is an outspoken critic of the Santos government´s decision to enter into peace talks with the FARC.

Category: Profiles