How can we rebuild trust in Colombia`s military?
How to repair a reputation trashed by corruption, illegal espionage, and extra-judiciary civilian killings?
Two major scandals in less than a week have forced Santos to sack his military top brass and promise a purge of the bad apples in the lower ranks.
But this is unlikely to arrest the decline in the institution`s standing. Read more…
2013 has been unpredictable. Rural rebellion, polemic peace talks, anti-democratic “coups”, and re-election rumours abounded.
To close this year of locura in our querida Colombia we bring you the best, the worst and the most ridiculous politicians of the past 12 months.
These are the Colombia Politics awards. Happy New Year.
Hero of the year – Nairo Quintana
Nairo is no politician, but his was a gritty and unassuming leadership all the nation admired this year.
While rural Colombia revolted, a bicycling sensation was born as Señor Quintana, claimed second place in his first ever Tour de France, this year.
The humble 23 year old, born to campesinos from Boyaca, stole Colombian hearts as he was first crowned the Tour`s King of the Mountain and then later stepped up to the Parisian podium in July.
Quintana`s story is a folklorically different to the pampered, and elite-trained athletes of Europe and North America.
There were no nutritionists to help Nairo in his teenage years, the diminutive youngster instead relying on Colombia`s carb-heavy culinary staples, sancocho and ajiaco.
Nairo cycled miles to school – as money often didn`t run to the bus fare – on a rickety old bike he father said was useless. Today, he is a gentleman; a smiling unassuming sporting hero.
Nairo, we salute you.
Politician of the year – Humberto de la Calle
Dulcet-toned de la Calle is the Santos Government`s chief negotiator in the peace talks with the FARC in Havana.
An eternal statesman, de la Calle has held cabinet positions over much of the last 20 years and has with huge aplomb steered the polemic and public-opinion-dividing talks with the guerrillas towards to a hopefully succesful conclusion.
Despite constant sniping from the sidelines and despite negotiating with the wily guerrillas who have devoted the last 50 years to a war against the Colombian state, de la Calle has managed to maintain the appearance of order and control.
Leadership is a rare quality and de la Calle`s erudite and calming influence has been its best example in 2013.
Wind bag of the year – Gustavo Petro
Love him or loathe him, Petro`s rhetoric has been unrivalled (in its verbosity) this year.
The newly sacked Mayor of Bogota is reminiscent of a 1980s University Student Union “trot” determined to divide the world into the bourgeois (evil) and the proletarian masses (virtuous yet down-trodden).
Commentators have perhaps a little unfairly said Petro has a “speech for everything and a solution for nothing”, but the mayor`s time in office has certainly been characterized by hyperbole and very little rolling up of sleeves and getting on with the job.
When the right-wing Inspector General Alejandro Ordoñez (hate figure for those on the left) decided earlier this month to depose Petro for his mishandling of the nationalization of Bogota`s rubbish collection (yes, really), Petro was handed the opportunity of a lifetime to transform himself from terrible administrator to the “people`s matyr”.
Expect 2014 to be another year of plaintive pomposity from Petro as he fights Ordoñez’s decision and tries to build a coalition of “indignados” ahead of congressional and presidential elections.
Foot in mouth moment of the year – President Santos
“El tal paro no existe”
Whoops, Mr President.
President Santos might be a nice patrician sort of chap but he is not the most charismatic of politicians. When forced to ad-lib, Juan Manuel often trips over himself with a sort of self-consciousness not usually associated with those who have risen to the top.
As nation-wide protests at the economic ruin of rural Colombia began to take hold in August, Santos appeared on television to utter the infamous line, “this national strike doesn`t exist”.
Lampooned and harrangued in equal measure, Santos appeared out of touch, insensitive, and worse still, unable to manage a crisis. The country told him in no uncertain terms that “yes, there jolly well was a strike, and what`s more we`re going to stick it out until you get on and do something about it”; roads were blocks, pots and pans were bashed in protest against the president, and Bogota rioted. Santos was forced to “militarize” (in his words) the capital to stop the rot.
The president saw his popularity levels fall below 20% and hasn`t since recovered.
Opposition politician of the year – a tie!
President Santos controls over 90% of congress and has most of the national media eating out of the palm of his hand (or his pocket, if Uribe`s allegations are to be believed).
Opposition in Colombia`s highly presidentialized system has often been a lonely pursuit.
So particular mention is merited for those who have stuck at it and tried to hold the president to account this year.
Colombia Politics could not decide on a winner between Jorge Enrique Robledo on the left and Alvaro Uribe on the right and so we decided to split the gong in two.
Former President Alvaro Uribe has been a constant thorn in the side of his successor, attacking Santos for being all talk and no delivery, for duplicitousness and betrayal in entering into talks with the FARC, and for weakness in his dealings with firebrand neighbours in Caracas and Managua.
Robledo too has been an almost lone voice in congress opposing government policy. Robledo`s engaging and forensic style has been put to effect with devastating effect, hastening the fall of ministers and ambassadors.
His dearest wish would be to put an end the Santos regime. This may be a step too far, but in 2014 he heads the senate list for the left wingers, Polo Democrats and could well be elected with the highest number of votes.
There are many other figures we would like to raise a toast to here, like the offensive Senator Gerlein who called homosexual sex “excremental”, and the corrupt former Bogota Mayor, Samuel Moreno who is alleged to have stolen over 15 million dollars of public money in the just three years he was in power.
What does 2014 hold? We hope for new leadership, some new faces and for Colombians to continue their “civic rebellion”, demanding more of their political class.
Here`s to a 2014 in which Colombia votes for peace and hopefully a little bit of a change too.
At Christmas next year there will be extra cause for goodwill in Colombia. In 2014 the FARC guerrillas will sign an end to their self-proclaimed war against the state, silencing the guns that have taken over 220,000 lives in 50 years of bloodshed.
Two generations of Colombians, the majority of the nation, have only known conflict. Officially there are 6 million victims; but the truth is, the entire nation has been scarred by decades of brutal and degrading violence. Read more…
Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos yesterday dismissed opposition calls to pause peace talks with FARC guerrillas promising to “press down the accelerator” to build on the “real progress” to end the nation`s 50 year conflict.
Former President Alvaro Uribe demands an end to discussions he sees as a farce, while others have argued for a pause during the election campaign that begins later this month.
But Santos is now increasingly confidence of a successful outcome to the negotiations he began last October.
Following yesterday`s agreement on a framework for the guerrilla group`s incorporation into the democratic system, Santos has gone on the offensive:
“There has been talk of breaking or pausing the talks, we are not going to do this…As we move forward and you see results, it is not time to stop, but just the opposite; to accelerate and continue with more courage and more excitement to end this conflict indefinitely.”
Santos will hope further agreements propel his re-election campaign.
Although the full details of yesterday`s agreement are unlikely to be made public until all points in the general accord for the termination of the armed conflict are agreed upon, Colombia Politics can confirm they include rights and guarantees for the exercise of the political opposition, democratic mechanisms of citizen participation, and effective measures to promote greater participation in national, regional and local policy.
Humberto De La Calle, the government’s chief negotiator, hailed the agreement a “new opening for democracy”.
“The agreement today represents a new opening for democracy, an open road for peace to take root after the end of the conflict, to free our government from violence and intimidation.”
“The agreement will create an important mechanism for turning armed groups into political parties and movements.”
FARC negotiator Ivan Marquez, labelled the agreement “perhaps one of the most important achievements so far [in the peace talks].”
As expected, Alvaro Uribe, slammed the announcement, tweeting “Colombia is the only democracy that accepts negotiating its democracy with terrorism.”
While most commentators have welcomed the agreement, concern has been expressed about the lack of clarity on what has been agreed upon. According to this publication`s editor, the fundamental issues such as whether Timochenko and co will seek election, and or directly given seats in congress have been parked.
For Ginny Bouvier, Senior Program officer for Latin America at the United States Institute of Peace, any accord on political participation should look to provide more access to politics for marginalised sectors of society.
“Given that political, economic and social exclusion form parts of the root of the conflict, it will be important to undertake political reforms that allow the expression of these as well as other dissident voices.”
Bouvier also spoke of the challenge of integrating the rebels into political life:
“The stigmatisation of the guerrillas and the highly polarised electoral environment in Colombia add to the challenge of integrating FARC rebels into the political arena.”
Without details of the agreement it is impossible to know how these issues have been tackled.
The next item to be discussed at the peace table is the illicit drug trade; problematic in its own right.
According to organised crime website Insight Crime, the FARC control approximately 70% of the country’s coca crops, while many FARC fronts “earn millions of dollars from the drug trade”.
We have argued before that it is unclear whether Ivan Marquez and co represent the guerrillas` rank and file members. If not, it is highly likely FARC splinter groups will emerge to continue this lucrative business.
“It is perhaps inevitable that a new generation of criminal groups, the FARCRIM, may be born should a peace deal be signed,” argue Insight Crime.
Only time will tell how the delegations tackle this issue.
Photo, Fernando Vergara / AP
Colombia`s Santos administration and FARC guerrillas have unveiled an “historic agreement” on “political participation”.
Today`s announcement hopes to breathe life back into a year long peace process that faces growing scepticism.
The FARC have promised finally after 50 years of conflict to trade the bullet for the ballot box.
We`re now a third of way through the talks, with two of the six points on the agenda being signed off.
Excellent, you might think.
Disappointingly, however, despite the hype, today`s announcement avoids the very issues that cause most controversy, appearing to kick them into the long grass.
The parties do accept it is a “partial agreement”, and consequently declined to provide us today with real detail on what has been signed up to.
For many, the central consideration under “political participation” is whether the FARC top brass will be allowed to stand for election.
Will the FARC be given seats in congress?
And, if so will they be given to Timochenko, Ivan Marquez and the rest?
Without answers to these questions any accord seems largely cosmetic.
Yes, it`s undoubtedly important that agreement has been reached, but it is difficult to avoid the sensation of unfinished business. A year on we yearn for more progress for the really tough decisions to be made.
Photo, El Espectador
The 16th round of negotiations between the government and FARC guerrillas began Wednesday amidst increasing concern at the pace of the Havana talks.
Both President Santos on one side, and Andres Paris (a FARC negotiator) on the other promised the delegations will work together to accelerate the process.
12 months have passed since negotiations began, and despite President Juan Manuel Santos’ claim that talks would take “months, not years,” agreement has been reached on only one of six items on the agenda – rural agrarian development.
The second item on the agenda – political participation – is into its fifth month and seventh round of negotiations.
Simultaneous to the slow progress in Havana, FARC related attacks in Colombia have increased.
According to Jane’s Intelligence Weekly “as the FARC seek to enhance their bargaining power at the negotiating table, it is likely to continue its current terrorist campaign until at least the end of 2013”.
Consequently public support for the talks is fading, while rumours of a breakdown in trust between government and terrorist negotiators, combined with the possible suspension of talks are plenty. Furthermore, the November 25 deadline for Santos to announce his candidacy for a second presidential term draws ever closer.
Indeed, Santos on Sunday conceded that progress had been slower than he had hoped for, stating: “I thought that in one year we could have finished the agenda points we agreed upon, but that hasn’t happened”.
The head of state continued, blaming the slow progress on the rebels` attempts to negotiate issues not agreed upon in the general accord for the termination of the armed conflict.
Unsurprisingly however, “Timochenko”, supreme leader of the FARC, accused Santos of playing politics, claiming that he is “seized with the need to show results to justify his reelection” and that he has consequently “intensified his smear campaign”.
The truth is, Santos does need results to justify a re-election campaign. Following nationwide multi sector strikes in August, the head of state’s approval rating dropped to as low as 21%. Results at the peace table are a must for his chances at occupying the Casa de Narino for a further four years. The next month is could decide his fate.
Photo, Colombia Confidencial
Twelve long months have passed since the Colombian government and FARC guerrillas met in Oslo to announce the start of peace talks to end 50 years of conflict.
Colombia Politics heralded President Santos` bold move, and we were optimistic of a swift conclusion. Things have not gone according to plan, however. Agreement has been reached on the point of agrarian reform yes, but precious little progress is obvious on the arguably more fundamental issues of political participation, narcotrafficking, victims, justice or disarmament.
Latin America`s longest running rebel/terrorist group shows little sign of demobilizing any time soon.
As a publication we remain hopeful of a positive outcome, but questions remain about whether the FARC are committed to the talks and whether President Santos has the leadership skills to deliver the peace all Colombians want but which an increasing number are sceptical will ever arrive.
The questions are greater in number and the reasons to despair more obvious than the signs of progress:
When will the FARC show remorse for their crimes? Without reparation, building a lasting peace is impossible. The FARC continue to argue they are the victims; this is an affront to those displaced, killed, or terrorized over the past 50 years.
When will the FARC release hostages and stop the practice of kidnaping? Despite telling us “economic retention” as the guerrillas euphemistically call it was now off the menu, FARC combatants have continued to capture police, soldiers and civilians. Let us not forget Kevin Scott the retired US soldier, held hostage since July.
And when will the FARC cease to recruit the children of Meta, Guaviare, Putumayo, Caquetá, Arauca y Vaupés? Government figures reveal hundreds have been stolen from their families since the talks began.
Talk has grown in the past weeks of a possible suspension of the talks during the pre-election period. Rumours abound of discord in Havana, of a breakdown in trust between the FARC and government negotiators.
Yes, the majority of Colombians still believe in the talks, but support and hope are falling.
Doubt too remains on President Santos` leadership, the man who must eventually secure a yes vote when the accords are put to a referendum.
Around 70 per cent of Colombians have lost faith in their president. Will he be able to sell an agreement that will be difficult for Colombians to stomach?
It will take a strong leader to convince victims to accommodate the sight of guerrillas walking free, or celebrating election victories.
South Africa`s peace was dependent on Mandela`s unique ability to bring together a nation torn apart by hatred and racism. Moving on will be as hard for Colombians as it was for South Africans.
Until now, Juan Manuel Santos has shown none of Mandela`s qualities. He must quickly find them.
Photo, Reuters
Colombia´s FARC guerrillas today called for a “restructuring of the Colombian state” to secure a deal as part of the Havana peace talks.
Rebel spokesman, Rodrigo Granda read a press statement announcing a 11 point plan for the “creation of a fourth power; people´s power…orientated towards the greater citizen participation”.
The plan calls for wide-ranging changes to the state, including economic and justice reform as well as a reconstitution of the military and the police.
Santos´s government and FARC guerrillas are discussing point two, “political participation” of the five point agenda for peace agreed last year. President Santos and government chief negotiator, Humberto de la Calle argue this discussion is restricted to the FARC´s involvment in politics once demobilized.
The FARC´s demands however, go beyond this, proposing a major redesign of the 1991 Constitution.
Ivan Márquez, top FARC negotiator, has asked for Santos to postpone next year´s congressional and presidential elections to allow more time to negotiate peace without the pressure of electioneering.
The Marxist group also put forward a “constituent assembly” to set in legal stone the detail of the agreement, once signed.
Santos told the FARC he is sticking to the 2013 year end deadline set at the start of the talks and dismissed the assembly claiming it opened a pandora´s box.
Colombia Politics view
The government have been clear that the peace talks are not an opportunity for the FARC to achieve the “revolution through negotiation”.
The talks will lead to the demobilization of the FARC and their eventual incorporation into civilian life, but they will not allow the FARC to advance their politics at the negotiating table.
But the FARC´s demands are a manifesto to rebuild Colombia in its image.
All this means public opinion is being tested to the limit. Time is running out and the talks are progressing painfully slowly.
The FARC´s apparent intransigence has led commentators and opposition politicians to dismiss the talks as unworkable. They argue that the FARC is up to its old tricks, that it doesn´t want to negotiate but instead to impose its vision for the nation.
Our hope, however, is that the FARC´s “demands” are in fact a bluff, a dress rehearsal for what will happen once they lay down their arms. They are preparing their discourse and preparing their audience for a time when they enter politics. Unsurprising they should attempt to drum up support at this early stage.
The FARC top brass is more than aware of the government´s position, they are no fools.
So, as unpalatable as it is to see FARC attempts to gain political capital, it is, after all, entirely predictable. We did not expect the guerrillas to give up give in and demobilize quietly, did we?
And we should have confidence that the government will not concede ground to the FARC. Both Santos and Humberto de la Calle have been strong and direct.
We must continue to hope.
Photo, El Tiempo.