#Marcha Patriotica

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Piedad Cordoba, a political biography

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Liberal Party member Piedad Cordoba is Colombia’s most controversial politician. From receiving Nobel Peace Prize nominations to being suspended as congresswoman for “promoting and collaborating” with terrorists, Cordoba is an iconic figure for Colombians, regardless of their political views.

Despite being suspended from holding any post in the public sector, hardly a day goes by without Piedad Cordoba making headlines. She has made a political career advancing a progressive agenda, representing political views such as the struggle for the rights of ethnic minorities, political minorities, the resolution of Colombia’s armed conflict though dialogue, and gender equality.

48 year old Cordoba was born in Medellin. Her uncle was influential Partido Liberal representative Diego Luis Cardona, known for his contribution to the creation of Chocó Department, as a political and administrative entity. Cordoba is a lawyer from Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana in Medellin, with a specialization in Public Opinion and Marketing from Universidad Javeriana in Bogota.

Her first steps in the Public Sector were taken at the Medellin city government in 1984. There, she developed close political ties to brilliant Antioquia politician William Jaramillo (who amongst many other things invented the CAI police stations). By 1988, Cordoba felt confident enough to enter the electoral race in Medellin, and thus, obtained her first electoral success becoming Edil. Her successful performance allowed her to be elected into more influential offices, first being Medellin councilwoman in 1989, and then securing office at the Antioquia Departmental Assembly.

Further success and acceptance by Colombian citizens, motivated Piedad Cordoba to run for representative in the 1991 congressional election, she made it to Congress, obtaining 22.000 votes. In the Chamber of Representatives, Cordoba sought to advance her political convictions, proposing progressive legislation such as the negritudes (Colombians with African ancestry) law and the beverage industry tax law. Her first political clashes would also occur during this period, the Colombian liberal party divided in two factions, one representing political liberal ideas (which Cordoba is a part of), and another faction representing economic liberalism. Both claim to be the “true liberals”.

During her time as representative, Cordoba gained recognition for defending the rights of Colombia’s excluded minorities, as well as the rights of the poor. Due to this recognition, Colombians elected her for four consecutive terms (1998-2010) to the Senate. There, she was the author of multiple laws which sought to improve the lives of Colombia’s most vulnerable, such as, a tax to finance the “neighborhood moms” program, the creation of a national gender equality institution, a law which increased the finances for public education and healthcare, and the protection of family houses as an inalienable right.

However, Cordoba’s political stances also make her a threat for Colombia’s status quo, and thus, extreme right-wing politicians and criminals soon began to persecute her. In 1999 she was kidnapped by Carlos Castaño, the now deceased paramilitary Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) leader. Her captivity lasted over a month; afterwards she was released and posteriorly fled to Canada. So far only José Miguel Narváez, former director of DAS has been accused for the kidnapping, however there has been no verdict regarding his involvement.

Piedad Cordoba’s time away from Colombian politics lasted several months. Upon her arrival to Colombia another two unsuccessful attempts on life were carried out. In 2006 one of her closest advisors, Jaime Gomez, died in strange circumstance. Cordoba’s declared and unalterable support for a negotiated solution to Colombia’s armed conflict had made her an enemy of paramilitary groups, and of former president Alvaro Uribe.

In 2007 Cordoba claimed that Uribe was a paramilitary. Since then, Cordoba’s combative attitude towards the Uribe administration, and the Colombian State, has made her a castaway in the eyes of the government, mass media, and many Colombians.

Furthermore, Cordoba’s conviction of negotiated peace has made her attitude towards the FARC, much more lenient than that of most Colombians. She does not hide the fact that she has met with them to talk about releasing hostages, and does not treat them with verbal belligerence. This has helped to gain the FARC’s trust, and has facilitated negotiations.

Additionally, Piedad Cordoba outspokenly supported and befriended former Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez. She met with him many times, and showed constant support for his Bolivarian Revolution. This also generated resentment amongst influential conservative sectors of the Colombian establishment, and many citizens.

The shared trust with the FARC and her closeness to Hugo Chavez was enough for Cordoba to be appointed by Alvaro Uribe to integrate a humanitarian exchange commission (alongside Chavez and the Red Cross) in order to exchange prisoners between the Colombian State and FARC in 2007. However, the bilateral context of excessive presidentialism, and mutual lack of trust would spur a diplomatic crisis between Colombia and Venezuela, and the initiative was thwarted. Despite the bilateral crisis, Cordoba’s work helped the liberation of 6 hostages between December 2007 and January 2008. By 2013, that figure has risen to 14, something which arguably makes Piedad Cordoba the most authoritative voice on the hostage liberations.

As a result of this humanitarian activity, Cordoba’s image catapulted. In 2012 she was named by Foreign Policy as the most influential ibero-american intellectual. She was also nominated for the Prince of Asturias Awards in 2008, and the Noble Peace Prize in 2009.

Despite international recognition, things have been much more difficult at home. Alvaro Uribe – and other right-wing politicians’ – fierce opposition to Cordoba’s ideas and actions has led to many attempts to challenge Cordoba’s reputation. First, by connecting Cordoba to FARC through the computer found in top FARC guerrilla Raul Reyes’ camp after it was bombed in 2008.

These clashes have led Cordoba to look for alternative channels to promote her policy ideals and political stances. In 2008, she became a part of the NGO Colombianas y Colombianos por la Paz. While working for this NGO, she has promoted a negotiated peace to end Colombia’s armed conflict, and she has helped to liberate hostages.

In 2010 Cordoba was suspended from Senatorial office and form any public function for 18 years, by Inspector General Alejando Ordóñez. Ordóñez claimed Cordoba “promotes and collaborates” with FARC based on Raul Reyes’ computer files. Many argue there is no real legal evidence to back up Ordóñez’s claims, while others argue strongly that Cordoba is a form of spokesman for the guerrilla group. As in much of Colombian politics, getting to the truth can be a challenge.

Despite Piedad Cordoba alienation from the Senate, she has managed to remain an influential political figure.

Further controversy has ensued, Piedad Cordoba was legally declared as a victim of illegal wiretapping by the Colombian Secret police, carried out during the Uribe administration – the famous “chuzadas” scandal.

Meanwhile the Ordóñez has opened another case against Cordoba for ties with FARC, however as yet, there has been no final pronouncement regarding the issue.

In 2012, she went to the courts in order to try to remove Liberal Party Leader Simon Gaviria, reviving the internal clash between political liberals (Ernesto Samper, Horacio Serpa, Piedad Cordoba) and economic Liberals (Cesar Gaviria, Simon Gaviria).

Cordoba’s latest political actions have been carried out as a member of the Marcha Patriotica movement. This movement is committed to the Colombian peace process and was an active promoter and participant of the march for peace in April of 2013. This political movement has declared its intention of becoming a political party, perhaps for the elections of 2014. Just as with Cordoba herself, the Marcha Patriotica has attracted controversy with the defense minister claiming the movement is funded by the FARC.

Cordoba´s true intentions with the Marcha Patriotica are difficult to predict, and will partly depend on the outcome of the peace process in Havana. What is certain is that like her or not, Piedad Cordoba is here to stay, and here to present her alternative vision for Colombia. Will she run for president in the future? Quite possibly.

Photo, El Espectador

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Is the March for Peace an April Fools?

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The 9th of April is actually a day of war in Colombian history, but this year, in 2013, a varied coalition is trying to convert it into a day of peace, yet the effort only reveals their rivalries.

When Jorge Eliecer Gaitain, a hero to the poor, and candidate for the Presidency, was shot down outside of his office in Bogotá on this day in 1948 it sparked some of the worst violence in the history of country that is no stranger to tumult.

Ever since, the day has been a favourite for rallying, marching, and remembering. This is especially true since the passage of the Victims’ Law in 2011, which officially declared the 9th of April to be the national day of memorial for the victims of Colombian’s “armed conflict” (as broadly defined as it is).

With a secretive peace process between the Government and the FARC guerllia continuing in Havana, Cuba, the Government and many civil society groups are now trying to use the day to rally public support for the process, that so far, has few true friends.

But, as always, various interests are using the focal point to both build and demonstrate power in a febrile atmosphere as the country heads into election season in 2014.

Given its origins, the march itself was originally a demonstration of the interests, needs, and demands of the victims of the armed conflict. A cause supported by many groups (in varying ways) from movements such as the Marcha Patriotica to human rights NGOs.

In fact, it is Marcha Patriotica, one of the most vocal and largest leftist movements in the country, who is claiming to have originally proposed that this year’s march focus on the peace process (and on the ‘defense of the public’). On their website, calling “everyone to the streets” they note the importance of defending the peace process against the “most obtuse” elements in the national debate.

The Marcha also recognises the important role of the Mayor of Bogotá, Gustavo Petro, in elevating the importance of the event and its relevance to the national conversation about peace and the process. Petro told local radio that he thinks the march has the possibility of being a “great leap needed by the process.”

Petro, considered a possible candidate for the Presidency in 2014 and an almost certain candidate for 2018, made his name as a congressman that fought for the rights of victims, after himself having taken up arms in the 1970s. It’s a canny move by him to identify himself, and direct substantial resources and political capital toward the march as it puts President Santos (his rival) in the position of standing by his side, and appearing to have ceded some of the political initiative to the controversial Mayor.

That President Santos only appears in the ninth paragraph of this article is an indication of how limited the Government’s efforts to mobilize support for the process have been. Santos, elected by many with the expectation of continuing the right-wing military-first-and-last strategy of his predecessor, Alvaro Uribe, has said to national media he will not “let anyone block our way” and that “everybody should support these attempts to reach peace.”

The ‘obtuse’ elements that may well ‘block the way’ are none other than Uribe himself who has accused the Marcha of being funded by the FARC (as has current Defense Minister, Pinzón) and made national media appearances calling for people not to march as the movement may use “the good faith” of citizens to endorse what he describes as a “combination of politics and terrorism.”

This confrontation between Uribe and Santos brings to a head many of the tensions that have been ongoing, as Uribe attempts to protect his “legacy” of fullfrontal war with the FARC, as well as to reject elements of what a feasible settlement may actually look like (such as land redistribution and the amnesty for actors on both sides.)

Amidst this political positioning it’s difficult to portend how well Santos and the Government will be able to bridge to their unlikely allies on the left. Facebook profile pics among the North Bogota moderates have started to change to “My contribution is belief: I believe in peace” but it’s yet to be seen whether they should believe that Santos is capable of delivering it.

For now the polarization in Colombia appears to continue apace.

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Uribe attacks ´Chavista´ peace

 

Colombian Ex-President Álvaro Uribe this Friday launched a stinging attack on the FARC, Santos government peace talks which he warned could lead to the eventual ´Castro- Chávezization´of Colombia.

In a reference to the far left governments of Raúl Castro and Hugo Chávez, Uribe piled pressure on the Santos administration not to give into the political demands of a terrorist organization who began the dialogues arguing for an end to the ´neo-liberal´capitalism of Colombia´s economic model.

Iván Marquez, the FARC´s second in command, and head of the negotiating team, argued that peace was not ´the silencing of guns´but the total re-ordering of Colombia´s society to reflect the Communist ideals the rebel group claim to fight for.

In an interview with Blu Radio, Uribe began by likening the FARC to Al-Queda, supposing that the US would not countenance entering into talks while attacks continued without pause.

The ex-president went on to criticize the goverment for allowing the FARC the limelight of the international stage, claiming that the press conference in Oslo served only to provide the rebels with the oxygen of publicity, a platform aiding them to appeal to their Marxist sympathizers.

Uribe told listeners that if the FARC sit down at the negotiating table with the same attitude shown by Márquez during the opening of this phase two of the talks, the only way President Santos would be able to secure a peace agreement would be to hand over a Colombia in the Chávez / Castro mould.

Warning too of the possible consequences of granting impunity for guerrillas and the sanctioning of their entrance into the political arena, Uribe told Colombians to open their eyes to the prospect of a Chávez financed FARC election campaign in the coming years.

The real danger Uribe forecast was the future emergence of a socialist Colombia, aligned with the hard left ´Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America´ (ALBA) group of nations.

Uribe´s prospectus is that a narco-funded FARC with the help of the organization of Chávez´s Bolivarian party machinery would be a virtually unstoppable political force. Colombia is more or less sleep-walking to its own death, Uribe seems to be saying.

Citing the Marcha Patriotica as the – already mobilized – vehicle for former guerrillas to pursue their political ends, Uribe concluded that if Santos were to provide the combatants impunity in return for the cessation of violence, the FARC could enter the corridors of power as soon as 2014.

For Colombia Politics Uribe´s claims serve as a cold reminder of the power and influence Chávez, and indeed the Castros, have in the affairs of the FARC.

For us, however, such futurology would not, on the current state of play, stand up to scrutiny. The nightmare scenario of a Communist Colombia seems far-fetched, a caricature.

Nevertheless, Uribe´s comments do provide us with an alternative view, and ask us to question what price we are willing to pay for peace, and what guarantees we need from the government that the FARC will not impose on us its twisted vision of the world.

Colombia Politics places faith in the government negotiating team and believes it will prevent Uribe´s prophesies from coming true. Let us hope this faith is well founded.

Category: News Review
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Bogotá vandalized as ´peace protests´ turn violent

Protesters launch missiles in the Plaza de Bolívar, photo TVE

Colombia´s capital Bogotá was the scene of riots on Friday as protesters took to the streets to vent their anger at the government´s decision to exclude citizen groups from the negotiating table as peace talks with the FARC begin next week.

The so called ´week of indignation´ was billed as an attempt by the left-wing Marcha Patriotica (MP) to provide a voice for the victims of the war, excluded from a formal role in the talks.

David Florez a spokesman for the movement argued: “We must demand the participation of the people´s movement at the peace dialogues.”

But the actions of Friday will have undermined the MP´s cause.

The organizers (of which the MP form a part) will no doubt look back on the events with a degree of shame.

As the march headed toward the emblematic Plaza de Bolívar, home of the courts of justice, congress buildings and the offices of the mayor, Gustavo Petro, it descended into chaos. Hooded and balaclava ´protesters´ hurled potato-bombs and home made missiles at police officers.

Marauding down the iconic seventh avenue they tore into shop fronts smashing windows, and launched paint bombs at the buildings of this, the city´s historic Candelaria district.

Earlier, the famous street sellers that line the seventh on the way towards Bogotá´s seat of power had been forced to flee, and this important shopping district had been shut down.

The MP themselves had the good sense not to turn up – perhaps they expected its violent end.

The movement´s leader, Piedad Córdoba is reported to have been in the southern department of Huila while leading spokesman Carlos Lozano was also notable by his absence.

Perhaps most telling is the fact this highly political march finished without even a speech from the MP.

It is tradition for a stage to be erected in the Plaza de Bolívar from which protest organizers make their case to a supposedly listening Congress whose neo-classical pillars stand proudly, merely metres away.

The right to protest is enshrined in the Colombian constitution – and a good thing too.

But Colombia Politics believes that the violence of Friday does not represent the people (it most probably does not represent the vast majority of those on the march either).

The government will involve citizens groups – but once the formal talks have been concluded.

It is essential that the peace talks are conducted in private, with as few actors as necessary.  After all, the talks are about agreeing an end to the conflict itself. The process of building the peace comes later.

The MP´s hardline views do not represent the majority of Colombians. When citizens are involved the voice of the far left must not be the only view heard.

As reported on this website, the MP is the movement will become the platform from which demobilized FARC guerrillas will fight future elections.

Category: News Review