#Uribe

Ex-President Uribe on course to win 2 million votes

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Colombia`s Ex-President Alvaro Uribe is set to win over 2 million votes in next year`s congressional elections says poll.

Based on the findings of canvassers Datexco, Colombia`s three main political parties will all see their vote share reduced by hundreds of thousands when ballots are cast in March.

Leaders are staring down the barrel of a gun as President Santos supporting U Party is on course to lose over 900,000 votes, while some 660,000 will desert the Conservatives. And although Liberal Party boss, Simon Gaviria denies his collective will be affected, they are projected to shed 474,000 supporters.

Despite never having fought an election in the past, Uribe`s Centro Democratico (CD) movement is threatening to emerge as the largest party in congress, dealing a heavy blow to President Santos` hopes of a successful second period in office.

It is far too early to tell how soft the support for Uribe is; Senate and Representative lists for the CD were only announced last month and candidates face a long and brutal campaign.  And while the former president himself remains hugely popular in certain sections of Colombian society, his running mates are largely invisible figures.

What ever the result next year, however, it looks certain that an incoming president will face a very different congress to that enjoyed by President Santos these past three years. Santos has ruled over a coalition government that controls over 90% of the legislature. Record numbers of laws have been passed, and opposition to the executive has been feeble, almost non-existent.

A congress with Uribe leading a pack of new and hungry senators is a prospect that has some political commentators salivating. Should Santos run for president again (he has until 25 November to announce his decision) and win, he would struggle to pull together a majority coalition in congress.

Colombia Politics expects the Conservatives will eventually join forces with the Uribistas of the CD. Santos must also face the reality that a number of supposed colleagues elected as U Party members remain loyal to their old boss, Uribe (rather than their current boss, Santos) and will link up with the Conservatives CD grouping.

If all remains to play for in the presidential elections, the same can also be said of the congressional vote.

Uribe al Senado, un error

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Por nuestro invitado, Miguel M. Benito 

El expresidente Álvaro Uribe será la cabeza de lista del Centro Democrático (CD) en las próximas elecciones al Congreso. Un secreto que no era tal. Una jugada, a largo plazo, contraproducente para el uribismo.

La intención está clara: aprovechar la popularidad del expresidente para conseguir un buen resultado en la contienda electoral de 2014 para las Cámaras, que permita al uribismo establecerse como oposición formal en las instituciones y, tal vez, crear momentum que impulse al candidato del CD para las presidenciales de mayo del mismo año. Un cálculo electoral con un problema: sólo mira a corto plazo y, de hecho, demuestra la actual debilidad de la alternativa uribista.

Es una opción de corto plazo porque se centra en lo electoral y se plantea el modo de conseguir un determinado resultado sin haber pensado primero en la oferta que el CD puede presentarle a los electores. Se piensa la presencia en las Cámaras antes de pensar cómo estructurar el partido político. La estructura se hace desde arriba hacia abajo, justo lo contrario a lo que debería ser un movimiento de opinión –como trasunto del Estado de opinión del que ha hablado siempre Uribe-. Se privilegia la elite, no la base del partido.

La tortuosa construcción de las listas del CD a las Cámaras, aún incompleta, se ha visto en la necesidad de recurrir a la figura de Uribe para impulsarse. Una fuerza política nueva necesita tiempo para establecerse ante los electores. Sobre todo si quiere competir con la opción en el gobierno o con partidos tradicionales.  El CD ha fracasado en esa tarea y sólo ha construido una imagen negativa, la del partido del “no”, que no suele dar buenos resultados en las urnas.

Pero el recurso a Uribe manda dos mensajes negativos: en el CD sólo cuenta un nombre, Álvaro Uribe, todo los demás son copias y, Uribe carga con el partido pero, qué hace el partido por Uribe.

En definitiva, el personalismo y la dependencia del colectivo se exacerban. Como una importante personalidad del uribismo me dijo hace unos días: “Si tenemos al Messi de la política, por qué no hacerlo jugar”. El problema es que sin estructura que apoye a Uribe –sin un equipo que arrope a Messi- ¿qué ocurrirá el día que “el Messi de la política” no pueda jugar? Y ahora no hay equipo.

Al demostrarse la necesidad de permanente tutela de Uribe sobre el partido se plantea una duda: ¿las propuestas que la colectividad haga se dirigirán a ganar la aprobación de Álvaro Uribe o la de los electores? Porque en un partido sin estatutos, en el que la única certeza es que la lealtad a Uribe da puntos, se corre el riesgo de pensar más en agradar al exmandatario que al electorado.

Al final uno no puede más que plantearse si el llamado ‘uribismo’ existe. Existen personas que siguen a Uribe pero que no existe un movimiento político serio y estructurado. Todo depende de la persona, no de las ideas. Eso identifica una opción política de corto plazo. Eso caracteriza al caudillismo; sea en Colombia o en Venezuela. Pero no es lo que debería definir a los partidos políticos.

Si Uribe, de verdad, quiere crear una alternativa de poder sólida debería dar un paso al costado de la pugna electoral y asumir la dirección del CD. Desde allí, construir partido, buscar nuevos liderazgos que, identificados con los planteamientos de sus gobiernos, garantizasen la viabilidad futuro del movimiento sin repetir los errores que –para sus propios intereses- Uribe cometió al crear el partido de la U.

 Miguel M. Benito es Profesor de Relaciones Internacionales en las Universidades Externado de Colombia y La Sabana @mbenlaz

Esta columna fue también publicada en USA Hispanic

Foto, ABC

3 years with Colombia`s President Juan Manuel Santos

Colombia's President Juan Manuel Santos

Colombia´s President, Juan Manuel Santos celebrates his third anniversary in the Casa de Nariño amid increasing scepticism of his government´s flagship peace talks with the FARC guerrillas, plummeting popularity, and growing pessimism on the economy.

Just a third of Colombians support the idea of Santos´possible re-election next year, while 60 per cent oppose it outright. Support for the talks in Havana is also trending downwards; nearly 70% were behind the negotiations as recently as March, while polls this week show the figure dropping to 59%.  Worse still, the influential IPSOS “Colombia Opina” (quarterly national navel-gazer) shows 62% of Colombians believe the country is on the “wrong path”.

All this is a far cry from the halcyon days of Santos´ first twelve months in power when he basked in the glory of approval ratings in the 80s, the economy was booming, and the president was the darling of the international community; Time Magazine even devoted its front cover to “The Colombian Comeback” under Santos´ stewardship.

So what has gone wrong? Is this to be expected three years into a government?

Things are not as bad as Santos´opponents would seek to paint. Although the majority don´t back his re-election, 49% of Colombians still have a positive view of the president. Sure, he´s far less popular than Uribe who left office with support in the 70s, but in a country where the executive has such bureaucratic clout (and capacity to mobilize troops), 50% broad acceptance from voters is a strong base from which to win elections.

So if there is reason to take solace in the current figures, there should be no reason for complacency. There is much to applaud in Santos´time in office, but there is much to improve on, and much left undone.

The good

Despite rough economic winds internationally, growth has remained strong (plus 4%) and inflation has kept low. Foreign investment has been down in recent months, but Colombia is recording year on year record-breaking levels of FDI. How this translates into the pockets of ordinary Colombians is another thing, of course.

Colombia´s place on the world stage continues to improve. Free-trade agreements with the US and the EU have been signed sealed and delivered, and new economic blocs like the Pacific Alliance (with Chile, Peru, and Mexico) have begun. Colombia remains the US´top ally in the region but without alienating itself from his radically left-wing neighbours. Even the OECD has come knocking at Colombia´s door.

The armed forces have delivered a series of historic strikes against the FARC guerrillas during the past three years, taking out the military chief Mono Jojoy and the supreme leader Alfonso Cano under Santos´watch.

Santos´social policy (at least on paper) looks to be moving the gap between rich and poor in the right direction. Colombia is one of the most unequal nations on earth, but official figures at least show positive news in this area. Unemployment has fallen and hovers around 10%, two million jobs have been created, and 1,700,000 Colombians have been lifted out of poverty. The government is also handing over 100,000 new houses for the poorest. We are far from Santos`slogan “Prosperity for all” becoming a reality, but steps are being made.

Yet Santos´crowning achievement – even if it all ends in tears – must be his bold move to enter into peace talks with the FARC. Effectively he is betting his presidency, his place in history on securing an end to the 50 years of conflict that has ravished Colombia. He faces interests on both sides, but has brought together an international coalition and established a rigorous process and agenda for reaching an accord with the nation´s largest terrorist organization to demobilize. He must be applauded for this.

The bad

Where to start? It is the nature of government that there is more to criticize than to applaud. There will always be promises unmet, or broken, crises unanticipated and moments of total incompetence. But there are certain features of Santos`administration that do require castigation.

Security – perception or otherwise, Colombians complain that their cities are less safe than three years ago. Despite being in peace talks, the FARC’s attacks haven´t relented, and the neo-paramilitary BACRIM groups and others have made this year the worst for murders of human rights workers.  In the cities, the paseo millionario is on the up, with Bogota alone seeing 200 victims in the last two and a half years.

Infrastructure – 40 billion has been promised for major infrastructure works. A new vetting office has been set up with a bureaucratic budget and the order to start handing out contracts has been received. But despite Santos’ fine words about building a modern and connected Colombia, despite throwing heaps of cash at the problem, all we have to show for the hard work so far is an extra layer of bureaucracy. NOT A SINGLE project has started.

Corruption – Santos has created new government positions, corruption czars have come and gone, and he has talked big on cleaning the country up. What has changed? Has Colombia started to kick out corruption? No. Transparancy International´s 2013 Corruption Index was damning:

“The new institutional reforms promoted by the government of President Santos—the new Anti-corruption Act of 2011, and the creation of a new Anti-corruption office in the Presidency—have not contributed to curbing corruption. To the contrary, in Transparency International´s 2012 Corruption Perception Index, the country received the worse score in ten years, going from 57 in 2002 to 94 in 2012.”

Bureaucracy, centralization and elitism

Colombians accuse their president of promising the world and delivering precious little.

Santos heralded the first two years of his government as the most reforming on record. Perhaps they were, and God knows, Colombia needs real institutional change so we should welcome this, yes?

Absolutely, but there is a difference between making a law and making that law work. Colombia is a country of “mucha norma poco contenido”. There´s a law for everything but there is a real disconnect between the law makers in the capitolio and those in the regions and localities that have to implement these paper reforms.

Roy Barreras, outgoing Senate President spoke glowingly in July of 2012-2013 as the Congress`most succesful year ever. What was his justification? That it had passed a record number of new laws. Frankly Roy, that is not something to be proud of. More laws means more centralization less flexibility and greater bureaucracy. Exactly the reverse of what Colombia needs.

President Juan Manuel Santos was born into one of the richest families in Colombia, a silver spoon in his mouth and media empire to inherit. The presidency was his before he was out of short trousers. The first ever election Santos faced was that to become president. It was handed to him on a plate.

This elitism shows and in a strongly regionalized nation, this just doesn´t work.

The Santos administration feels too Bogotano, too posh, too out of touch and too restricted to the traditional political class.

Santos has floundered when he has ventured outside the confines of the capital (unless he is on a diplomatic mission to another country where he feels instantly at home). The coffee protests earlier this year were handled so poorly that the whole agriculture industry is threatening to go on strike next week. And peasant farmer protests in Catatumbo lasted nearly two months before Santos could put out the flames.

We also saw this lack of comprehension from those at the top in the reaction to the decision by the international court of justice to hand over to Nicaragua, Colombia`s San Andres maritime territory. We are waiting a year and the foreign ministry is yet to make a decision on what to do. All the while the livelihoods of the fishermen on the archipelago are being compromised. Bogota appears to have forgotten about the islands its politicians visit only on holiday.

So, what of Santos` overall performance? 

Colombia Politics finds the Santos regime frustrating. The past three years have, contrary to detractors, not been an unmitigated failure. There is much to cheer in the way Colombia is emerging on the world stage, and Santos himself has proven a shrewd diplomat when dealing with his noisy neighbours. If the peace talks end well, Santos`place in history is secured, and rightly so.

But away from the headlines, away from the eye-catching announcements, there is a  real sense that more could and should be done. How much is this Santos` fault and how much is it the result of less than stellar ministers and bureaucrats?

What´s clear is the Colombian state remains inefficient, corrupted and often incompetent. Santos cannot take all the blame for this.

Our view is that with a good team surrounding him, with competent and public facing ministers, the Santos administration would score highly for its first three years in power. Without that team Santos will continue to flatter to deceive over the next year and into a possible second term.

Photo, EFE.

3 of 5 Uribista presidential hopefuls with links to paramilitaries?

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Outstanding questions over possible links to Colombian right-wing paramilitary groups threaten to derail the campaigns of three of the five 2014 presidential hopefuls loyal to ex-president Alvaro Uribe.

Oscar Ivan Zuluaga, Francisco “Pacho” Santos, and Luis Alfredo Ramos all stand accused of ties to the death-squads that have financed the careers of hundreds of Colombia´s top politicians since the 1980s.

The charges

Salvatore Mancuso, former commander of the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) commander (now demobilized and extradited to the US), has testified he met Pacho Santos and that the two discussed the formation of a criminal organization to operate in Bogota, called the Bloque Capital. Colombia´s public prosecutor has revealed the case is still in the preliminary stages, and Santos himself strongly refutes the allegations, claiming the testimony of a convicted criminal is scant evidence.

The case against Zuluaga lies in a series of compromising photos with Mancuso financed politicians in his home state of Caldas, and a report by the left-wing think tank Arco Iris showing the 2002 senator was elected alongside Rocio Arias (who was later found guilty of being a Mancuso placeman).

Finally, Ramos is alleged to have worked with paramilitaries in Antioquia – where he was governor – on a programme of “mutual support”. The evidence for this charge is based on a testimonies from a series of now demobilized paramilitary combatants.

Colombia Politics view

Although the (current) evidence against the three would-be presidential candidates would appear to be far from conclusive, it is politically extremely damaging for the Democratic Centre (DC) movement.

The race for the presidency begins in earnest in November when current president, Juan Manuel Santos announces whether he will run for a second term. Nevertheless, candidates are already jockeying for position and Pacho Santos has emerged as the current favourite to lead the opposition to his cousin´s re-election.

Whether or not there is any substance in the claims is largely irrelevant. From a campaigning perspective, they have the potential to deliver a mortal blow to the Uribistas.

Elections are won and lost on perceptions, not on facts. The critical problem for Uribe´s men is that the accusations form part of a growing narrative that sees Uribismo hand in glove with the paramilitaries.

Opponents of Alvaro Uribe´s government have long tried to link the ex-president to the paramilitary movement, some even labelling him responsible for massacres committed by the AUC.

For many, the smoke that surrounds Zuluaga, Ramos, and Santos is real evidence of fire.

From a political communications view, there is another problem for the aspirants. Colombia´s national media is often accused of being in bed with the government of the time – particularly so with the Santos regime where family connections to the largest publications mean objectivity is questioned. Colombia Politics expects to see – between now and the election – a drip drip of stories linking Uribistas to paramilitaries. The news about Pacho, Zuluaga and Ramos is not new, but the media chose this very week – days after the DC announced its election strategy – to re-run the article. Suspicious? Par for the course, I believe.

One of the first rules in politicial campaigning is that you must define the narrative before it defines you. Zuluaga, Santos and Ramos perhaps stand guilty of allowing themselves to be put on the back foot.

Whether or not they have links to paramilitaries, who knows. What really matters is how many Colombians will be able to give them the benefit of the doubt come election time. Uribistas must work fast to build good will or risk being washed away on a wave of negative headlines.

Photo, Colombia Confidencial

Colombian presidential candidate accused of illegal campaigning

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Colombian presidential candidate Oscar Ivan Zuluaga faces possible sanction by the National Electoral Council (CNE) who today began an investigation into supposed illegal campaign activity ahead of next year´s election.

Zuluaga stands accused of paying for a series of nation-wide publicity stunts well before the election period begins 9 December. Colombian law prohibits candidates from spending even a penny on electioneering before the official campaign starts. Zuluaga will fall foul of the rules if the CNE chief Nora Tapia considers his promotional material to be a direct pitch for the Colombians´ vote.

Zuluaga argues that the offending material, a collection of billboard adverts attacking the Santos government and the peace process currently underway with the FARC in Havana, was commissioned to encourage Colombians to “reflect on the peace talks”. The former minister defended the campaign claiming:

“My interest has been just to voice a question that millions of we Colombians ask about these negotiations. The objective was to spark a debate which is healthy in a democracy, and necessary for the country´s future”.

Zuluaga is hoping to be chosen by the Democratic Centre movement, loyal to former president Alvaro Uribe, as its official candidate for the presidential elections next May.

Although not yet called up by the atorney´s office, his fellow would-be Democratic Centre top dog, Pacho Santos has also commissioned a series of adverts strikingly similar in tone and content to those of Zuluaga and is possible the CNE could turn its gaze towards the former vice president.

The specific problem the CNE claim to have highlighted is that Zuluaga appears alongside President Uribe…The implication being that Zuluaga is “running” with the “support” of Uribe.

Democratic Centre spiritual leader and former president Alvaro Uribe jumped to the defence of his men, claiming the billboards part of a legitimate national discussion in a country that would no accept “a loss of freedoms”.

Colombia Politics view 

Whether or not you agree either with the Democratic Centre, its politics, or its hard-hitting billboards, it is difficult to see how the CNE´s move is favourable for Colombia´s democracy.

Currently Colombians have more of an elective than a participative democracy. A decision by the state to make politics less political and less argumentative should not be welcomed.

Colombia´s archaic and arcane laws prohibit the natural evolution of politics. Take for example the bizarre notion that quote “ministers are not allowed to campaign or “do politics” – yes, the constitution prohibits active ministers from taking part in a political battle. Why? What for? Aren´t politicians supposed to stand for election on a platform, to fight for your vote?

Colombia needs a more open, direct democracy that involves the citizens rather than excluding them. Zuluaga and Santos´billboards might not be the most sophisticated of political communication strategies, but they nevertheless encourage debate.

Why shouldn´t politicians be able to express their opinion – or even actively campaign? Surely, as they say in the US, the campaign is permanent.

And what of the billboards themselves?

Our view on the Democratic Centre´s campaign is that it plays too much to what in the Anglo-Saxon world we call “dog-whistle” politics. Comparing Pablo Escobar to the FARC chief negotiator Ivan Marquez by asking who killed more policemen, for example, leaves an unpleasant taste in the mouth.

And the tactic of attacking the peace talks almost per se not only lacks nuance but is a flawed election strategy – put bluntly, politicians do not win elections by being the “no candidate”. An alternative vision must be presented if the Democratic Centre is to poll well next year.

For now, we hope the case is dropped and politicians can get on with the job of trying to convince us to vote for them.

Picture, La Tierra

Uribistas name candidates for Colombia´s 2014 senate race

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Colombia ex-president Alvaro Uribe´s Democratic Centre (DC) movement met this week in Bogota to pick candidates for next year´s national elections.

Although a decision on the DC´s candidate to fight against President Santos´ re-election was put off, a list of possible candidates for Colombia´s senate has been leaked.

The most eye-catching names are José Obdulio Gaviria, Paloma Valencia, Alfredo Rangel, and Paola Holguín. Although not household names (with the exception of former chief of staff to Uribe, José Obdulio), all have profiles across national and local media outlets.

According to La Silla Vacia, the list is not yet complete; there are so far 11 names on the list that will now go forward for Uribe´s sign-off, but the DC hope to win up to 25 senate seats.

DC members also await a decision from the ex president himself as to whether he will run. Uribistas hope the controversial and charismatic leader will head up the senate list, and many analysts believe that he must do so for the DC to stand any hope of reaching their ambitious target for seats in the upper chamber.

Uribe himself, however, is said to be considering whether a return to front line politics is in his interest. Should he be elected to parliament he would lose the presidential impunity he currently enjoys, opening the way for his time in congress to be bogged down by possible legal cases into his time in the Casa de Nariño presidential palace.

We suspect Uribe will hold his cards to his chest for as long as possible. An announcement that he were not to run would effectively kill dead the chances of many of those battling for votes, taking the steam out of the DC´s campaign before it has properly begun.

Meanwhile, the four candidates battling it out to become the official presidential rider will not find out the detail of their selection process until the end of the month. Pacho Santos, cousin of President Santos, currently leads the way in a field with low levels of public recognition.

Carlos Holmes Trujillo, Oscar Ivan Zuluaga and Juan Carlos Velez all hope to beat Pacho Santos, but none has so far caught the public´s eye.

Uribism´s difficulty is precisely this; a lack of profile for its candidates, both for the presidency and for the senate – a problem it must overcome in the coming months if it is to develop into a meaningful political force.

Additional information

The DC, set up those loyal to Alvaro Uribe to oppose the politics of current President Santos, held its first national gathering Tuesday Wednesday, bringing together the movement´s regional bigwigs, candidates and its spiritual leader himself, Alvaro Uribe.

The other names on the senate list are rumoured to be – Everth Bustamente, Andres Julian Rendon, Albeiro Franco, Erika Salamanca, Mario Palaez Soto, Honoro Enriquez Pineado, and Mayor General Carlos Lemus Pedraza.

Picture, El Pilón

 

Uribe supporters in Bogotá to define election strategy

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Colombian ex-president Alvaro Uribe´s Democratic Centre (DC) movement meet today in Bogotá to define a strategy for the 2014 general election campaign.

Regional leaders and the four hopefuls fighting to become the official presidential candidate are gathered in a hotel in the north of the capital in what has been billed as the DC´s first national get-together.

Uribistas hope to emerge tomorrow having agreed a policy platform and a battle plan to whip up support across Colombia´s 32 departments ahead of the congressional elections in March, and the presidential run-off in May.

Although the DC has yet to decide its list of candidates for the senate and the house of representatives, rumours have emerged that José Obdulio Gaviria, Alvaro Uribe´s long-term chief of staff will head up the senate list.

José Obdulio is a controversial right-winger, often questioned for his familial ties to drug lord Pablo Escobar, but he is considered one of the architects and principal ambassadors of the Uribista ideology and the “democratic security” doctrine that defined the eight years of Uribe´s government.

Uribe´s followers are desperate for the former president to return to front-line politics by heading up the list himself, so the news of José Obdulio´s candidature is likely to disappoint some. The Democratic Centre´s support is in large part directly attributed to the charismatic ex commander-in-chief, and questions remain about the expected level of voter interest should Uribe decline to put his name forward.

At the same time, the campaign is underway to choose the Democratic Centre´s candidate to run against President Santos´ likely re-election tilt. Former finance minister Oscar Iván Zuluaga, Senator Juan Carlos Velez,  former vice-president Francisco (Pacho) Santos, and ex-minister and peace commissioner, Carlos Holmes Trujillo are all in the running.

Although the winner will not be defined at this week´s meeting, each candidate will make his case in a series of key-note speeches setting out the vision for a return of Uribismo to the Casa de Nariño presidential palace.

This morning´s presentations included talks from Pacho Santos, Zuluaga and Uribe himself. Santos, who currently leads the way,  revealed that the movement will undertake a series of polls across five regions to define the candidate.

As the discussion resumes this afternoon, the Democratic Centre´s leaders will focus on the political agenda in an effort to define a series of eye-catching promises to take to voters.

Colombia Politics will report on the detail of this policy platform as it emerges.

Picture, ColPrensa.

Colombian Conservatives and Alvaro Uribe in talks

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Colombian Conservatives´ new leader Omar Yepes met this week former president Alvaro Uribe in Bogotá to discuss possible alliances ahead of the congressional and presidential elections in 2014.

Yepes has gone on record stating the Conservatives´intention to run their own candidate for the presidency; competing against Juan Manuel Santos´ likely re-election campaign, and a possible candidate for Uribe´s Democratic Centre movement.

Uribe is yet to decide whether to head up a list of candidates for the senate (he is constitutionally prohibited from running again for the presidency), but should he do so, analysts expect him to form a powerful grouping in the upper house.

Many within the Conservative Party see themselves as natural allies of Uribe and expect the party to join forces with this new Uribista intake next year.

There is also a possibility that should the presidential election go to two rounds (if no candidate has over 50% of the vote in the first round of voting, a second ballot is called between the two with the highest number of votes), the Conservatives and the Uribistas will unite against Santos.

Yepes met Uribe alongside former Antioquia Governor, Luis Alfredo Ramos who many tip as a possible candidate for the blues. Right-winger José Félix Lafaurie seen as a candidate either for Uribismo or for the Conservatives was also present.

Martha Lucía Ramírez, a minister in Uribe´s government and a natural Conservative has long spoken of a unification between her party and those of the Democratic Centre.

Much is in flux as alliances and deals are done just months before the campaigns officially begin in November. The Conservatives remain nominally within President Santos´National Unity coalition government, but there is little disguising their nonconformity with the direction Santos is taking the country.

Yepes takes over the Conservatives at a time of transition for the party. It must quickly define its route, its candidate and its platform for the elections.