[18-Jun-2019 12:17:42 UTC] PHP Fatal error: Call to undefined function add_action() in /home2/colombm8/public_html/wp-content/plugins/automatic-youtube-video-posts/core/admin.php on line 31 Marcus Sales, Author at Colombia Politics - Page 2 of 2Colombia Politics

Author: Marcus Sales

Plan Colombia: A success?

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Plan Colombia has seen the United States provide approximately $8 billion worth of aid to Colombia since 2000.

Over the course of three articles I will look at how (and the what extent) Plan Colombia has worked to strengthen democracy, combat the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and in this first piece, reduce  coca cultivation and trafficking.

When President Pastrana presented Washington the original version of Plan Colombia in 1999, the Colombian state was at a breaking point. The internal conflict had pushed the economy into crisis with the unemployment rate at a staggeringly high 18.2% and GDP retreating by 4.2%. The worst figures this side of the Great Depression.

Pastrana saw Plan Colombia as a way of reviving Colombia and issues such as coca cultivation were secondary concerns that would resolve themselves after peace had been achieved. The American Congress however had a different idea and  reformed Plan Colombia into an anti narcotics initiative, focusing aid on reducing the production and trafficking of cocaine from Colombian fields into major American cities.

Has it worked?

There are inconsistencies between the figures the United States and the United Nations have on coca cultivation but it´s clear Plan Colombia has reduced cocaine production. The UN shows that in 1999, 680 tonnes of cocaine were produced in Colombia; by 2011 (the latest figures available) this had reduced almost 50 per cent, to 345 tonnes. The US reports even more favourable results, suggesting a reduction from 520 to 195 tonnes over the same period.

Despite these positive results, initial efforts to stem cocaine production were not so successful. When Plan Colombia began, aerial eradication campaigns saw over 380,000 hectares of coca fields fumigated between 2000 and 2003.

The strategy was successful in reducing the hectares of land cultivated with coca crops, yet it  failed to stem cocaine production throughout this period. In 2007 for example, after seven years of continuous spraying increases, the UN statistics showed that cocaine production had risen to 600 tonnes per annum.

Why? Colombian coca farmers played the game and knew how to compensate for the effects of the aerial eradication campaign – they reduced the size of their fields, made their plots harder to find, and increased their per hectare crop yield. In short, innovation delayed the success of aerial eradication.

Farmers were forced to innovate, as for many there was no viable economic alternative to coca production. Worse, the attempts to resolve these economics have been weak, and played second fiddle once Alvaro Uribe was elected in 2002. Uribe undeniably achieved great success using Plan Colombia in his fight against the FARC,  but his relentless focus on tackling the security issues meant economic development plans were something of an after thought. Military funding and action eclipsed efforts to resolve the socio-economic factors behind illicit crop production.

Positive inducement schemes were introduced by Alvaro Uribe however, and ran from 2005 -2009. The objective was to create jobs with economic potential for rural families in conflict prone areas.

Despite the USAID mission in Colombia reporting ‘significant progress’ through 2010, the scope of the success has been limited by both the (restricted) size of the programme and security concerns.

In 2008, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) found that the alternative development programmes were – unhelpfully – not located in areas where the majority of coca is grown. And US experts, Jason Spellberg and Morgan Kaplan argue coca farmers have not been taught how to generate wealth independently.

But production has reduced in more recent years

Yes; analysts attribute this to a switch in focus from aerial eradication campaigns to more intensive, manual eradication. This strategy is more effective than aerial fumigation as it both kills the plant directly, and has the knock on effect of building a more significant government presence on the ground.

Risks, are however, higher as the military are more exposed. FARC and ELN guerrillas work to sabotage efforts, routinely laying mines and IED’s in coca fields. Such dangers may explain why manual eradication has been on a downward trend since 2010, despite its proven success.

Production is also down because of the increase in the presence of the security forces and the fact the guerrilla groups have been pushed back from areas they once controlled.

Statistics compiled by the US and the UN suggest Plan Colombia has been effective in reducing the production and trafficking of cocaine. The discrepancy in figures between the two bodies  however, troubles us. To understand the full success a more transparent and detailed methodology for data collection is needed.

Of course Plan Colombia has other aims too…We´ll look at those over the coming days.

Photo, Open Briefing

Colombian government FARC peace talks, first 6 months

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Six months ago, Colombian government officials and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) came together in Oslo, Norway to negotiate an end to Latin America’s longest running conflict. Time then to reflect on what has happened since.

Both sides are negotiating on a five points, agrarian development, political participation, the end of the armed conflict, drug trafficking and the rights of the victims. But despite the parties making the right noises on the search for a sustainable peace, fundamental differences have been present from day one.  It has been a frustrating period in which nothing – officially – has been agreed, (although the government has been hinting over the past few weeks that an announcement on agrarian reform is imminent).

The high point of the negotiations came in November, when the FARC announced a two month long, unilateral ceasefire. Such a move was intended to create an environment of peace with which the two parties could move forward. The extent to which the ceasefire was upheld throughout the FARC’s ranks however, is up for debate. The Colombian military claimed a total of 52 FARC responsible incidents of violence took place throughout the supposed ceasefire.

The top brass in Havana may have intended the two months to pass peacefully, but the FARC is a fragmented organization; something Matt Ince of the Royal United Services Institute see as the major stumbling block to lasting peace. The ability of the FARC secretariat to enforce a peace accord across its ranks is frankly unknown, and untested.

Ince argues that, as the ideological unity of the FARC has faded, alliances with serious organised crime groups across the country have grown. As a result, the formation of FARC splinter groups (interested more in the lucrative business of drug trafficking than in the political objectives of Iván Márquez and co) in the coming months is, for Ince, a very real possibility.

Throughout the talks former President Alvaro Uribe has been vocal in his disapproval, describing them as ‘…legitimising the terrorism of the FARC’. Uribe, said to building a force to fit the congressional and presidential elections next year, is using this stance against the talks as a political platform. His campaign message is effectively, yes to peace, no to FARC impunity.

Uribe attracts a significant following among those within the influential land owning, entrepreneurial and military sectors who oppose the peace process.

While Uribe´s vocal opposition should have no direct bearing on the outcome of the negotiations, it does little to aid the talks, and there can be no doubt that the slow progress of negotiations is damaging to Santos politically. His current approval rating of 47% is the lowest since he took office, and confidence in the talks within the society is falling.

The truth is, the two parties have found it virtually impossible to progress beyond the first point of negotiation. Talks on agrarian development are in to their eight round of discussions.

Land reform is seen as the key to tackling the social and economic disparity that exists throughout Colombia, the key reason behind the inception of the FARC in 1964. The FARC have been vocal in their belief that large land and farms in particular should be handed over to the poorest communities, while their disdain for foreign investment, in particular the oil and mining industries has been expressed in numerous attacks, including  pipeline bombings.

While no official agreement regarding this topic has been announced however, the understanding from Havana is that an agreement is close. Both parties have reached a preliminary consensus, a significant achievement in itself (which starts to position these talks in a different light to the last negotiations in Caguán.

It´s fair to say the teams began with perhaps the hardest topic of all – both in terms of what changes the government can promise without proposing a dramatic rethink of the Colombian state and her economic model, and what the FARC is willing to concede to.

It is understood that the FARC have relaxed their demands regarding large farm lands, and only seek those that are unproductive to be turned over to the peasant communities. The discrepancies regarding foreign investment however likely remain, and may yet provide a significant stumbling block to an agreement.

If an agreement on point one of the agenda can be pushed over the line then it is possible to see the development of sufficient trust between the parties to make the subsequent battles less arduous.

Both sides are pushed for time. Santos needs the agreement quickly for his re-election hopes, while the FARC – despite what they claim – will be aware that with Uribismo in the congress and a complicated presidential election by mid next year their hope of leaving the battle field to take up a role in the parliament will be significantly diminished.

Photo EFE