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Plan Colombia: A success?

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Plan Colombia has seen the United States provide approximately $8 billion worth of aid to Colombia since 2000.

Over the course of three articles I will look at how (and the what extent) Plan Colombia has worked to strengthen democracy, combat the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and in this first piece, reduce  coca cultivation and trafficking.

When President Pastrana presented Washington the original version of Plan Colombia in 1999, the Colombian state was at a breaking point. The internal conflict had pushed the economy into crisis with the unemployment rate at a staggeringly high 18.2% and GDP retreating by 4.2%. The worst figures this side of the Great Depression.

Pastrana saw Plan Colombia as a way of reviving Colombia and issues such as coca cultivation were secondary concerns that would resolve themselves after peace had been achieved. The American Congress however had a different idea and  reformed Plan Colombia into an anti narcotics initiative, focusing aid on reducing the production and trafficking of cocaine from Colombian fields into major American cities.

Has it worked?

There are inconsistencies between the figures the United States and the United Nations have on coca cultivation but it´s clear Plan Colombia has reduced cocaine production. The UN shows that in 1999, 680 tonnes of cocaine were produced in Colombia; by 2011 (the latest figures available) this had reduced almost 50 per cent, to 345 tonnes. The US reports even more favourable results, suggesting a reduction from 520 to 195 tonnes over the same period.

Despite these positive results, initial efforts to stem cocaine production were not so successful. When Plan Colombia began, aerial eradication campaigns saw over 380,000 hectares of coca fields fumigated between 2000 and 2003.

The strategy was successful in reducing the hectares of land cultivated with coca crops, yet it  failed to stem cocaine production throughout this period. In 2007 for example, after seven years of continuous spraying increases, the UN statistics showed that cocaine production had risen to 600 tonnes per annum.

Why? Colombian coca farmers played the game and knew how to compensate for the effects of the aerial eradication campaign – they reduced the size of their fields, made their plots harder to find, and increased their per hectare crop yield. In short, innovation delayed the success of aerial eradication.

Farmers were forced to innovate, as for many there was no viable economic alternative to coca production. Worse, the attempts to resolve these economics have been weak, and played second fiddle once Alvaro Uribe was elected in 2002. Uribe undeniably achieved great success using Plan Colombia in his fight against the FARC,  but his relentless focus on tackling the security issues meant economic development plans were something of an after thought. Military funding and action eclipsed efforts to resolve the socio-economic factors behind illicit crop production.

Positive inducement schemes were introduced by Alvaro Uribe however, and ran from 2005 -2009. The objective was to create jobs with economic potential for rural families in conflict prone areas.

Despite the USAID mission in Colombia reporting ‘significant progress’ through 2010, the scope of the success has been limited by both the (restricted) size of the programme and security concerns.

In 2008, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) found that the alternative development programmes were – unhelpfully – not located in areas where the majority of coca is grown. And US experts, Jason Spellberg and Morgan Kaplan argue coca farmers have not been taught how to generate wealth independently.

But production has reduced in more recent years

Yes; analysts attribute this to a switch in focus from aerial eradication campaigns to more intensive, manual eradication. This strategy is more effective than aerial fumigation as it both kills the plant directly, and has the knock on effect of building a more significant government presence on the ground.

Risks, are however, higher as the military are more exposed. FARC and ELN guerrillas work to sabotage efforts, routinely laying mines and IED’s in coca fields. Such dangers may explain why manual eradication has been on a downward trend since 2010, despite its proven success.

Production is also down because of the increase in the presence of the security forces and the fact the guerrilla groups have been pushed back from areas they once controlled.

Statistics compiled by the US and the UN suggest Plan Colombia has been effective in reducing the production and trafficking of cocaine. The discrepancy in figures between the two bodies  however, troubles us. To understand the full success a more transparent and detailed methodology for data collection is needed.

Of course Plan Colombia has other aims too…We´ll look at those over the coming days.

Photo, Open Briefing

Romney, Obama neglect Latin America

USA Presidential candidates Mitt Romney and Barack Obama Monday night debated head to head for the final time before polls open on Tuesday 6 November, barely touching on the continent that sits on their doorstep.

In fact Latin America has gone virtually unmentioned throughout the campaign.

What do we expect? US elections are historically policy light, and almost foreign policy free. Add to this the crises in the Middle East and many will conclude that Latin America is, frankly, not a priority for the two men fighting to become the leader of the free world.

However, the cultural ties, the growing middle class and the rapidly expanding economies of the US´ southern neighbours – not to mention the ideological war between the liberal and authoritarian socialist states that splits the region – mean that now more than ever Latin America DOES matter.

So it was predictable but disheartening that in the 90 minutes of debate last night – a debate on the international relations – Latin America featured for little more than 20 seconds.

Mitt Romney, as he has done in previous debates, mentioned his promise to boost trade with the countries south of the border, likening the size of the ´Latin American economy´ to China´s. Obama failed even to respond, ignoring the latino voters who polls suggest in their majority side with the current Commander in Chief.

Obama´s advisers argue that his record speaks for itself. He has signed free trade agreements with Panama and Colombia, and has visited the region more than most other US Presidents, they point out.

Fair enough, but the trade agreement with Colombia was virtually done before he got into office and he took three years to get it through Congress.

And ok, Obama has indicated that he is at least willing to let the discussion about changes to drug prohibition policy to take place, but how involved he will become in this discussion we will have to wait and see).

It is also probably – on balance – a good thing for regional security that Obama has toned down the rhetoric on Chávez. The US is better served through soft diplomacy; quietly working with allies, supporting trade and democracy.

So we know Obama´s record and whilst it hasn´t been bad,  it hasn´t been good either; a 5 out of ten, perhaps.

If Obama is re-elected we should expect more of the same, a cool disinterestedness.

Should the polling momentum continue with Romney and should the US wake up on the 7 November with a new president, however, what will we get from a Romney administration? What do we know about his views on Latin America?

Well, not much. The Latam page on the Republican candidate´s campaign website could be condensed into two phrases ´socialism bad´ ´trade good´, and that´s about as much as we get.

The Governor has promised to sign more trade agreements, but the US has trade agreements with pretty much every country that wants one.  As ABC news said today:

The countries without U.S. trade agreements like Ecuador, Bolivia, Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay and Cuba are not very interested in entering into one.

Colombia Politics does not doubt Romney´s comitment to trade and perhaps he will pursue a more dynamic approach to the issue through his promised Campaign for Economic Opportunity in Latin America (CEOLA).

But on the issue of drugs, there is very little to suggest Romney has the will or the authority to take on those in his party who fail to see beyond the status quo.

For this reason alone, the prospect of a Romney presidency is perhaps the less desirable outcome for Colombia. The debate on narco-trade and the total failure of the war of drugs is not something we can wait four more years to discuss.

Whoever wins. however, there is little to suggest a real and positive change in relations.

Washington, like much of Europe, has failed to grasp the opportunities Latin America presents. Neither Obama nor Romney appear to care – they should.