Let there be no doubt; Gustavo Petro was a disastrous mayor. Bogota has gone backwards under his ideological administration. Today, many Bogotanos will allow themselves a sigh of relief as he finally leaves his post.
But for all his faults, Petro was elected fairly and squarely. His mandate came direct from Bogota’s 8 million souls, and his removal from office is an affront to us all. Read more…
Votes are up for sale for as little as 50,000 pesos as Colombia goes to the polls this Sunday.
That’s what candidates are now saying openly as widespread vote-buying has led Semana magazine to call these elections the most expensive on record.
Ok, Semana points out, the CNE (national electoral council) does set limits on candidate spending, but these are ignored as some hopefuls spend an eye-watering 5 billion pesos to secure victory.
Colombians refer to “votos de opinion” and “votos amarrados” to make the distinction between politicians who try to win popular support and those who resort to clientelism (or a bit of both).
None of this is denied by the political class. In fact, corruption of the electoral process is considered endemic, and precious little is now done either to monitor or prevent it.
Real change is urgent, but there seems little appetite for this from a government itself accused of clientelism.
The Santos administration has allegedly handed out more than 1.5 billion dollars in “mermelada” or “jam”. Some of this money it is rumoured goes direct to the campaign finances.
I know it sounds incredible to suggest the government is using tax payers’ money to subsidise corrupt politicians to pervert the electoral process, but it’s an allegation few even bother to refute.
Now some have said to me that I can’t be right, that vote-buying wouldn’t work, that there is no way of knowing whether the investment has paid off, whether the elector has done what he or she has been paid to do.
Well, it’s true that it’s impossible to be 100% secure, but these election machines are no amateurs. Votes may cost 50,000 in a poorer part of the country, but 100,000 pesos is more common in wealthier or hotly contested areas. Add to this market dynamics – the closer we get to the day, and the more desperate the candidate – and you see there’s plenty of money at stake. It should be no surprise, then that the candidates have developed sophisticated-ish strategies to ensure their money is efficiently and successfully spent.
Thankfully, I do not have to betray confidences to explain how this works. La Silla Vacia have rather helpfully provided a “manual for how win elections”. Effectively, parties and candidates break the electorate down into small zones. Each area has a “leader” in charge of securing names addresses etc of those willing to be bought off. This leader tells the campaign organizers how many votes he has and therefore how much money he needs to receive from the kitty. These voters are told to go to a specific voting booth, mark the appropriate box, and then pocket the money. If the leader has, say 250 votes from area A, he sends them to polling booth B. If in polling booth B there are at least 250 votes everyone`s happy. These operations work across the country forming a network of corrupt cells.
Depressing? You bet.
Unless the rules of the game are changed and the political turkeys decide to vote for Christmas, Colombia`s elections will continue to be distorted by criminality.
The Electoral Observation Mission are doing a sterling job in bringing cases of fraud to light – they point out that it’s not just vote-buying that we have to worry about – but without real action, throwing politicians, community “leaders” and even voters in jail, how realistic is it to expect things to change?
Thankfully we need not despair entirely. Not all candidates are created equal and there are conviction politicians to choose from. The new government must act to make it easier for these candidates to triumph against the corrupt.
Ultimately though, it`s up to the electorate not to sell their vote. It`s time for citizens to do their bit. Roosevelt said, “A vote is like a rifle: its usefulness depends upon the character of the user.”
Photo, El Tiempo
Women make up only 25% of the candidates in this year`s elections. Sadly, most stand little chance of being elected, and are way down on the ballot paper.
The law says 30% of senate and congress hopefuls must be women, but many complain this is largely irrelevant if these candidates are mere also-rans.
The news is not all doom and gloom, however. Former President Alvaro Uribe`s right-wing Centro Democratico party, has women in 4 of its top 5 senate spots, while the Conservatives have Marta Lucia Ramirez and Polo Democrats Clara Lopez, as their presidential candidates.
Equally, there are high profile candidates in the Alianza Verde like Claudia Lopez (senate), and Angelica Lozano and Angela Robledo (house of representatives).
Despite this, Colombia`s politics remain a largely male preserve.
Now don`t get me wrong, I`m no politically correct ideologue, nor do I subscribe to the “if only women ruled the world…” club. There`s nothing intrinsically better about women rather than men in power.
However, I do think that balance in politics is healthy. Just as there is a problem that Colombia`s political class is overwhelmingly Bogotano and overwhelmingly white and rich, there is also a problem that it is distinctly machista.
Democracy is dependent on pluralism of ideas and ideologies. If it is to be truly representative, democracy must also have space for different genders, different classes, and different races.
What can be done?
Under-representation is an historic problem for Colombianas. Colombia was one of the last countries in the Americas to give women the vote (1957 the first time they could go to the polls), and although for example the law now establishes a quota for ministerial positions, the rate of progress is slow. Just 16 of the 102 senators and 22 of the 166 house representatives are women; 3 governors and just 10% of mayors are female.
Yet although Colombia is often called a machista society, Colombian women are strong – frankly they are often the ones who “wear the trousers”. Make no mistake, this is no Taleban nation; Colombia rightly celebrates womanhood.
It`s not a case then of radically changing society. Yes, attitudes in some are outdated and discriminatory, but the country as a whole is more modern in this respect than it is given credit for.
Perhaps instead of revolutionary change, we`re talking about subtle but real action. The steps to the top are there, we just need to ease the way for women to climb them.
For starters, how about the next president establishes a powerful Minister for Women, a cabinet position with real power? This need not be a quota, but something and someone of substance. Yes there is a position already in place loosely to promote equality, but let`s beef this up, focus it and put a high profile, hard hitter in the role.
How about we also hold the next president to account over the number of women he has in his cabinet. Santos has struggled to fill these positions. If he wins next time, he must do better.
The political parties themselves must take action too. According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) almost half of the parties have no women on the board, and none have quotas for internal elections. A quarter also fail to have an “office” for women`s issues, and a third have no working plan to promote engagement with women.
51% of Colombians are women, but just 12% of the nation`s political posts are filled by women. They are a majority but without political representation.
This must change.
Photo, El Colombiano
Colombian President Santos’ VP is a dream ticket that puts him on course for victory in May`s presidential election.
Charismatic German Vargas Lleras will outshine Santos over the coming years, and I suspect will act as a de facto “joint president” doing away with the tradition of a largely ceremonial second in command.
Vargas is the answer to Santos’ poor polling numbers, and as one of Colombia`s most popular politicians (and a shoe-in were he himself to run for president), has been chosen to win over the two thirds of voters currently against the Santos re-election.
Despite knowing he could beat his boss, Vargas has a pact not to stand against Santos. In return he will be given far-reaching powers and will receive the nod in 2018.
One of the very few ministers in the four years of the Santos’ administration with any real successes to point to, Vargas is a fixer, able to work congress and the media with ease. In contrast to Santos, he is a fluent and forceful speaker; something of a good old-fashioned political operator.
Like Santos, Vargas Lleras was born into political power, the grandson of president Carlos Lleras Restrepo. Both men are from Liberal Party families and are cut from the same upper class Bogotano cloth. This is unquestionably the most elitist and traditional ticket in recent history.
Now, Vargas does not share Santos’ view of peace talks with the FARC. He was a fierce opponent of former president Andres Pastrana`s Caguan talks with the FARC that ended in 2002; and although publicly silent on the Havana talks, Vargas is a well-known sceptic. Some attribute this to the two attempts on his life it is expected were made by guerrillas groups.
As vice president, Vargas is expected to be given greater autonomy than previous holders of the post. Normally the VP is a position that comes with very little authority, less power and even fewer things to do. Incumbent Angelino Garzon has spent the last four years complaining of his isolation and irrelevance. Vargas however is rumoured to be in line to lead the delivery of the flagship infrastructure policies at the heart of the Santos second term.
Whatever role Vargas ends up taking on, he will want to be first in line to receive the credit for new projects and investment. A highly visible VP dishing out money to the regions and making governors, mayors and councillors’ pet projects a reality, is a sure-fire way of securing victory in the presidential elections in 2018.
If he has to wait until 2018, that is. Rumours are growing that Santos is set to deliver major constitutional change, using the peace agreement with the FARC as a catalyst for far-reaching reforms of the nation’s institutions in whom trust is at an all time low.
The president is said to favour removing the article that permits a commander in chief’s re-election, instead lengthening the presidential term to a one-off 6 year period. Under this scenario, Santos could step aside in 2016 (having secured peace with the FARC) and hand over the baton to Mr Vargas.
Constitutional change and political reform are set to form a major part of the legislative agenda in the first years of the Santos administration. There is little evidence however that voters are keen on this programme. Education, health, law and order and corruption top the list of concerns for the average Colombian.
Santos has chosen a vice president that is likely to be more popular than him. The price Santos will pay for getting Vargas to agree not to run against him is not yet known. But expect Vargas to be less a vice president and instead a joint president.
And with Vargas’ votes, Santos’ opponents look all but dead in the water.
Read our biography of Vargas Lleras
Many on Colombia`s left have made their name defending human rights.
So why is it that some of these very same politicians cannot bring themselves to stand up for the human rights of Venezuelans?
Why is it that they either remain silent, or worse still take the side of the government that oppresses and crushes dissent?
Why is it that not only in Colombia but across Latin America there are politicians unwilling to fight for human rights when “their side” is in power?
Are human rights not human rights if protesters are rebelling against left wing governments?
Imagine this.
A left wing politician is taken prisoner by a far right government. His crime? To organize a march in protest at the government`s hardline policies.
The government`s secret service and hit squads fire live bullets into the crowds who`ve come out to support their leader. Reports say protestors were raped by the butt of a gun, beaten and tortured. The prisons minister tweets that her opponents are “shit scared” of her armed mobs. And the media reporting on this are threaten, harassed or taken off air.
So what happens next?
Neighbouring countries pressure for the prisoner`s release. Diplomatic ties are cut off with the right wing government. Across the continent they condemn the action and label the government a fascist dictatorship. And human rights NGOs campaign day and night for the release of the prisoner.
Change the left wing prisoner for right winger Leopoldo Lopez and the right wing government for Maduro`s administration.
Do you hear the condemnation from Presidents Correa, Kirchner or Morales? Have the Colombian human rights activists in the Polo Democratic party stood up to Maduro or campaigned for the release of Lopez?
No. Absolutely not.
Instead, look at this from Clara Lopez, the presidential candidate for the Polo Democrats.
“Polo rejects the attempted coup in Venezuela”.
Now I like Clara, she ordinarily strikes me as a democrat. Check out her twitter background, it`s a photo of students marching. She believes in direct action, and protest. Clara, do you support only those who march against governments you disagree with?
And this from former Liberal Party Senator and now Marcha Patriotica Leader, Piedad Cordoba a “defender of human rights” according to her profile.
“President Maduro we support you with all our love and friendship. Onwards!!”
Hang on Piedad. Your political movement is called “March” you organize protests across Colombia and yet you support a leader whose troops fire live bullets into student protestors?
Alongside this there are people like Ivan Cepeda who has carved himself a career as a “defender of human rights” as he boasts on his twitter account. Standing up for those oppressed or threatened by overbearing governments or by hit squads is what he does 24 hours a day. So any tweet from him on the political prisoner or on the reports of torture in Venezuela? You guessed it, diddly squat. I guess he wants the Polo press release about the “attempted coup” to express his view.
I`m sure some of you are saying, well, maybe they don`t want to get involved in the business of a foreign country. Fine but Cordoba and Lopez are actively supporting Maduro – they are already involved.
And I`m sure you`re asking why I`m picking on what the left are or are not saying. Look, I`m not suggesting it`s everyone on the left – far from it. There are sensible moderate left wingers, of course.
What I find hypocritical is that the left are supposed to be champions of human rights and can be great campaigners for those who have their rights ignored or violated. That is what they do, what they fight on in Colombia day and night.
So not to join forces with those protesting against an authoritarian government is not only hypocritical, but seems to me is also a fundamental betrayal of left wing values.
If you`re a left winger how can you support a government that oppresses its people?
State violence is state violence. Oppression is oppression. Censorship is censorship. Torture is torture.
Human rights are universal.
How can we rebuild trust in Colombia`s military?
How to repair a reputation trashed by corruption, illegal espionage, and extra-judiciary civilian killings?
Two major scandals in less than a week have forced Santos to sack his military top brass and promise a purge of the bad apples in the lower ranks.
But this is unlikely to arrest the decline in the institution`s standing. Read more…
Colombia`s President Juan Manuel Santos remains mute on rising tensions across the border in Venezuela. He has a duty to break this silence and speak out against the apparent tyranny and oppression.
Venezuela`s Chavista regime stands accused of human rights violations, repression, torture, and censorship as it cracks down on nationwide anti-government protests.
Venezuelans took to the streets on 12 February in opposition to an administration that has shredded the economy, lost control of law and order and appears to be on the verge of losing its suffocating 15 year grip on power.
What began as a peaceful protest on Thursday morning soon turned violent as armed civilian groups and police repelled the crowds. Tragically for some, death and imprisonment awaited. Reports of torture and rape later emerged.
Meanwhile, Maduro acted to censor the media. Colombian TV news channel NTN24 was blocked in homes across the nation, while indignados published shocking pictures of beatings and harassment of national and international journalists.
Protesters, now almost entirely reliant on social networks for their news, soon found Twitter images had been disappeared by state forces.
Violations of human rights and of freedom of speech are of course nothing new in the Chavista Venezuela.
Human Rights Watch`s most recent report blames Hugo Chavez for “the accumulation of power in the executive branch and the erosion of human rights guarantees have enabled his government to intimidate, censor, and prosecute Venezuelans who criticize the president or thwart his political agenda”.
But for many, things are even worse under Maduro.
Those now arguing Venezuela is on the way to becoming a fully blown dictatorship are growing in number.
Yes, elections might have been held last year and Maduro won them (though the result itself is contested), but elections do not a democracy make.
Maduro himself brushes off the attacks on his government claiming they are manufactured by a “fascist” opposition, with the help of the USA. Their aim? To provoke civil unrest and bring about a coup de etat.
But more and more are now calling Maduro`s bluff. The Colombian writer Hector Abad asks us who the real fascists are:
“The typical fascist is at the same time a revolutionary and a reactionary. A nationalist, anti-capitalist and populist. He likes to divide the society into friends and enemies, loyalists and traitors… They act like fascists but accuse opponents of fascism”.
For Abad, fascism in Venezuela is just a step away.
All the while, there is a deafening silence from Colombia`s presidential palace.
Any attack on Maduro and Santos risks derailing the peace talks with the FARC guerrillas.
But Santos cannot remain tight-lipped for ever. Unrest is in danger of spiraling out of control. Time to stand up for democracy and freedom, Mr Santos. Time to speak up for Venezuela.
Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos goes to the polls in May promising to bring peace to Colombia if he is re-elected for a second term.
Rumours say the campaign slogan will be “Unidos por la paz” (“United for peace”).
But is peace really enough?
Colombia is at a crossroads. After a decade of record levels of foreign investment, with peace on the horizon, and an economy now bigger than Argentina`s, there is a unique opportunity for Colombia to secure its place at the top table.
But Colombia faces real and structural problems that block the way.
A politician not willing to show us the way to the promised land does not deserve another four years in power.
Time then, Mr President to tell how you will fix:
1. Colombia`s education system which last year was rated among the world`s worst.
2. A health service you promised to reform three years ago but remains unfit for purpose.
3. Infrastructure, for which you promised billions of dollars of investment but have failed to get spades in the ground.
4. Corruption; despite your government passing a host of legislation, Transparency International last year gave Colombia its worst score in 10 years.
5. A sclerotic justice system where – according to the World Bank – it takes four years to enforce a contract.
6. Rural Colombia and the agribusiness on which 50% of the nation is dependent. We`re six months on from the nation-wide rural protests but we still await a plan for a sustainable future for the nation`s farmers.
7. Law and order. You say crime is down and certainly homicides rates are moving in the right direction, but Colombians feel less not more safe since you have come to power.
8. Poverty, you have made progress in some areas but 10 per cent of the nation still live on little more than a dollar a day and 40% of Colombians are poor according to your own figures.
Politics should be about solutions to these and many other problems facing the nation. 2014`s election campaign has avoided this debate.
Yes, Colombia Politics supports Santos` bold efforts to negotiate with FARC guerrillas to end 50 years of conflict. But this election cannot be reduced to a vote on whether to support peace or to continue with the war.
Time to end the demagoguery Mr President and tell us what you`ll do to make Colombia the country its people deserve.